The king of “America Bad” geopolitical analysis Noam Chomsky, likely on his way out.

Professor Emeritus

Veteran
Poster of the Year
Supporter
Joined
Jan 5, 2015
Messages
51,330
Reputation
19,909
Daps
204,044
Reppin
the ether
He's literally one of the most highly respected intellectuals of the 21st century, but you shyt on him because he didn't like how American foreign policy fukked over third-world countries.

This is right in line with all the caping you do for the American military. You are EXACTLY who I thought you were. :mjlol:
 

Professor Emeritus

Veteran
Poster of the Year
Supporter
Joined
Jan 5, 2015
Messages
51,330
Reputation
19,909
Daps
204,044
Reppin
the ether
Sad to see.

I'm not familiar with his entire body of work, but from what I have seen he's usually on point.


The summary on top of his wikipedia page gives a snapshot of how incredibly influential he was. He's basically the most famous linguist of the 20th century, one of the most famous philosophers of the 20th century, one of the founders of cognitive science, and one of the most influential political/social critics of the 20th century.




Avram Noam Chomsky is an American professor and public intellectual known for his work in linguistics, political activism, and social criticism. Sometimes called "the father of modern linguistics", Chomsky is also a major figure in analytic philosophy and one of the founders of the field of cognitive science.


Among the most cited living authors, Chomsky has written more than 150 books on topics such as linguistics, war, and politics. Ideologically, he aligns with anarcho-syndicalism and libertarian socialism.


During his postgraduate work in the Harvard Society of Fellows, Chomsky developed the theory of transformational grammar for which he earned his doctorate in 1955. That year he began teaching at MIT, and in 1957 emerged as a significant figure in linguistics with his landmark work Syntactic Structures, which played a major role in remodeling the study of language. He created or co-created the universal grammar theory, the generative grammar theory, the Chomsky hierarchy, and the minimalist program. Chomsky also played a pivotal role in the decline of linguistic behaviorism, and was particularly critical of the work of B. F. Skinner.



An outspoken opponent of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, which he saw as an act of American imperialism, in 1967 Chomsky rose to national attention for his anti-war essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". Becoming associated with the New Left, he was arrested multiple times for his activism and placed on President Richard Nixon's list of political opponents. While expanding his work in linguistics over subsequent decades, he also became involved in the linguistics wars. In collaboration with Edward S. Herman, Chomsky later articulated the propaganda model of media criticism in Manufacturing Consent, and worked to expose the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. His defense of unconditional freedom of speech, including that of Holocaust denial, generated significant controversy in the Faurisson affair of the 1980s. Chomsky's commentary on the Cambodian genocide and the Bosnian genocide also generated controversy. Since retiring from active teaching at MIT, he has continued his vocal political activism, including opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq and supporting the Occupy movement. An anti-Zionist, Chomsky considers Israel's treatment of Palestinians to be worse than South African-style apartheid, and criticizes U.S. support for Israel.



Chomsky is widely recognized as having helped to spark the cognitive revolution in the human sciences, contributing to the development of a new cognitivistic framework for the study of language and the mind. Chomsky remains a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, U.S. involvement and Israel's role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and mass media. Chomsky and his ideas are highly influential in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movements.



Chomsky's political writings have largely focused on ideology, social and political power, mass media, and state policy. One of his best-known works, Manufacturing Consent, dissects the media's role in reinforcing and acquiescing to state policies across the political spectrum while marginalizing contrary perspectives. Chomsky asserts that this version of censorship, by government-guided "free market" forces, is subtler and harder to undermine than was the equivalent propaganda system in the Soviet Union. As he argues, the mainstream press is corporate-owned and thus reflects corporate priorities and interests. Acknowledging that many American journalists are dedicated and well-meaning, he argues that the mass media's choices of topics and issues, the unquestioned premises on which that coverage rests, and the range of opinions expressed are all constrained to reinforce the state's ideology: although mass media will criticize individual politicians and political parties, it will not undermine the wider state-corporate nexus of which it is a part. As evidence, he highlights that the U.S. mass media does not employ any socialist journalists or political commentators. He also points to examples of important news stories that the U.S. mainstream media has ignored because reporting on them would reflect badly upon the country, including the murder of Black Panther Fred Hampton with possible FBI involvement, the massacres in Nicaragua perpetrated by U.S.-funded Contras, and the constant reporting on Israeli deaths without equivalent coverage of the far larger number of Palestinian deaths in that conflict. To remedy this situation, Chomsky calls for grassroots democratic control and involvement of the media.
 
Last edited:

Professor Emeritus

Veteran
Poster of the Year
Supporter
Joined
Jan 5, 2015
Messages
51,330
Reputation
19,909
Daps
204,044
Reppin
the ether
fukk that Genocide denier


He's a linguist, the meaning of words matter to him not just emotions. When he calls something a "mass slaughter", a "horror story" and a "major crime", he's not denying what happened in the slightest sense. He's just using "genocide" by its actual definition rather than the emotional one of "any major killing that I don't like."


Here's a full article on the issue by the journal of Genocide Studies and Prevention, whose literal mission is to stop genocide.

It finds that the accusations against Chomsky of genocide denial are complete bullshyt:



Here's the actual interview with Chomsky where he talks about why he is careful with the term genocide:

Barsamian: I know on Bosnia you received many requests for support of intervention to stop what people called “genocide.” Was it genocide?
Chomsky: “Genocide” is a term that I myself don’t use even in cases where it might well be appropriate.
Barsamian: Why not?
Chomsky: I just think the term is way overused. Hitler carried out genocide. That’s true. It was in the case of the Nazis—a determined and explicit effort to essentially wipe out populations that they wanted to disappear from the face of the earth. That’s genocide. The Jews and the Gypsies were the primary victims. There were other cases where there has been mass killing. The highest per capita death rate in the world since the 1970s has been East Timor. In the late 1970s, it was by far in the lead. Nevertheless, I wouldn’t call it genocide. I don’t think it was a planned effort to wipe out the entire population, though it may well have killed off a quarter or so of the population. In the case of Bosnia – where the proportions killed are far less – it was horrifying, but it was certainly far less than that, whatever judgment one makes, even the more extreme judgments. I just am reluctant to use the term. I don’t think it’s an appropriate one. So I don’t use it myself. But if people want to use it, fine. It’s like most of the other terms of political discourse. It has whatever meaning you decide to give it. So the question is basically unanswerable. It depends what your criteria are for calling something genocide.



Notice that in this thread so far, the Chomsky-haters can't come up with an actual policy of Chomsky's they don't like, because what they don't like is that he didn't support American imperialism. So instead of focusing on policy, they bytch about how he defines a single word.
 

Professor Emeritus

Veteran
Poster of the Year
Supporter
Joined
Jan 5, 2015
Messages
51,330
Reputation
19,909
Daps
204,044
Reppin
the ether
From a champion of human rights to a full blown apologist of repressive regimes

what a heel turn


That's a full-blown lie by people who don't like him criticizing America.


He said that the Serbian attacks on Bosnian Muslims was a horror story and a major crime, and he said that the Russian invasion of Ukraine was a war crime and that Ukraine had every right to defend itself. But he's made "RAH RAH AMERICA" posters so upset by his criticisms of American imperialism that they lie and paint him as if he defended Serbia and Russia.

Chomsky also speaks based on what he believes precisely, not based on what is politically correct to say in America. As a result, criticisms against him always revolve around how he uses words or his willingness to be a realist about what is happening, rather than the actual truth of his statements. The people attacking him are trying to defend a particular pro-American narrative and just looking for him to slip up and say the "wrong" politically incorrect statement about that narrative.
 
Last edited:

mastermind

Rest In Power Kobe
Joined
May 1, 2012
Messages
64,452
Reputation
6,442
Daps
171,988

You Are not a smart person :wtf:


That's a full-blown lie by people who don't like him criticizing America.


He said that the Serbian attacks on Bosnian Muslims was a horror story and a major crime, and he said that the Russian invasion of Ukraine was a war crime and that Ukraine had every right to defend itself. But he's made "RAH RAH AMERICA" posters so upset by his criticisms of American imperialism that they lie and paint him as if he defended Serbia and Russia.

Chomsky also speaks based on what he believes precisely, not based on what is politically correct to say in America. As a result, criticisms against him always revolve around how he uses words or his willingness to be a realist about what is happening, rather than the actual truth of his statements. The people attacking him are trying to defend a particular pro-American narrative and just looking for him to slip up and say the "wrong" politically incorrect statement about that narrative.
Exactly
 

Mister Terrific

It’s in the name
Joined
May 24, 2022
Messages
7,551
Reputation
2,040
Daps
25,499
Reppin
Michigan
You Are not a smart person :wtf:
I’m a veritable Rhodes Scholar compared to you.
fukk that Genocide denier
Yep.

Here’s a great video on his history of genocide denial and running cover for genocidal regimes because his entire political life has been “America Bad”



On 6 June 1977, Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman published an article in The Nation that contrasted the views expressed in the books of John Barron and Anthony Paul, François Ponchaud, and Gareth Porter and George Hildebrand, as well as in articles and accounts by Fox Butterfield, Carol Bragg (eyewitness testimony), Asian scholar George Kahin, J.J. Cazaux, Sydney Schanberg, Swedish journalist Olle Tolgraven, and others. Their conclusion was:[14]

We do not pretend to know where the truth lies amidst these sharply conflicting assessments; rather, we again want to emphasize some crucial points. What filters through to the American public is a seriously distorted version of the evidence available, emphasizing alleged Khmer Rouge atrocities and downplaying or ignoring the crucial U.S. role, direct and indirect, in the torment that Cambodia has suffered.[14]
Chomsky and Herman had both faint praise and criticism for Ponchaud's book Cambodia: Year Zero, writing on the one hand that it was "serious and worth reading, as distinct from much of the commentary it has elicited", and on the other that "the serious reader will find much to make him somewhat wary."[14] They wrote that the refugee stories of Khmer Rouge atrocities "must be considered seriously", but should be treated with great "care and caution" because "refugees are frightened and defenseless, at the mercy of alien forces. They naturally tend to report what they believe their interlocuters wish to hear."[14]

In the article Chomsky and Herman described the book by Gareth Porter and George Hildebrand, as a "carefully documented study of the destructive American impact on Cambodia and the success of the Cambodian revolutionaries in overcoming it, giving a very favorable picture of their programs and policies, based on a wide range of sources". Chomsky also attacked testimonials from refugees regarding the massacres, calling into question the claims of hundreds of thousands killed. Chomsky does this on the basis of pointing to other first hand accounts that show killings more in the hundreds or thousands. He does not deny the existence of any executions outright. According to historian Peter Maguire, for many years Chomsky served as a "hit man" against media outlets which criticized the Khmer Rouge regime.[27]
 

Mister Terrific

It’s in the name
Joined
May 24, 2022
Messages
7,551
Reputation
2,040
Daps
25,499
Reppin
Michigan
For some reason the Coli won’t allow me to post the entire article or even half of it in full but here’s the relevant excerpt


Chomsky’s Genocidal Denial
By Marko Hoare
December 17, 2005


In this debate over whether or not Chomsky denied a massacre, it is important not to lose sight of something more damning and much less controversial: that Chomsky quite openly denies that genocide took place, either in Srebrenica or in Bosnia as a whole, and makes no bones about putting the word ‘genocide’ in quotes – this despite the fact that an international tribunal, established by the UN, has convicted a Bosnian Serb general of aiding and abetting genocide in Srebrenica. Indeed, the genocide-denial of Johnstone, Chomsky and their circle goes far beyond questioning the Srebrenica massacre. Chomsky was among those who supported the campaign in defence of Living Marxism (LM), the lunatic-fringe magazine that accused the news agency ITN of fabricating the existence of Serb concentration camps in Bosnia, on the basis of the writings of Thomas Deichmann, an amateur journalist and supporter of the Serb-nationalist cause. Deichmann claimed the camps in question were merely ‘detention centres’, and – although he had never visited them himself – presumed to know them well enough to claim that the pictures ITN had taken of them were deliberately intended to ‘mislead’ the Western public as to their true nature. ITN sued LM for libel, and the magazine was unable to produce a single witness who had actually seen the camps at first hand, whereas eye-witnesses such as Vulliamy testified as to their true, horrific character. LM‘s resounding defeat in the libel trial has not stopped Johnstone, in a recent commentary on the Chomsky-Brockes affair in the left-wing American magazine Counterpunch, from repeating LM’s already discredited lies: “The issue raised by LM had to do with the way photographs taken at Trnopolje camp, by focusing on a thin man on the other side of a wire fence which in reality did not surround the Muslim inmates, but rather the ITN crew itself, was used to create the impression that what was happening in Bosnia was a repetition of a Nazi-style Holocaust.” The campaign against Brockes has therefore simultaneously become a campaign to rewrite the history of the Bosnian war to deny that genocide took place.

Chomsky’s denial that genocide took place in Bosnia, even after it has been established in international law that it did, and even after LM‘s lies about Serb camps were exposed as such in a British court, marks him down as a revisionist in the mould of Irving; the general thrust of Brockes’s exposure of him was therefore bang on target. In pandering to him, the Guardian has besmirched its own reputation and insulted the survivors of the genocide. Ironically, it was Guardian journalists such as Vulliamy and Maggie O’Kane who were in the forefront of bringing the genocide to light in 1992. That the Guardian - with this proud record – should have chosen to betray Brockes, its own journalist, by apologising on her behalf to an unabashed genocide-denier, means that this newspaper is now collaborating in the revisionist re-writing of the history of the Bosnian war.




Keep in mind the UN recognizes the Bosnian genocide as a Genocide

UN approves resolution to commemorate 1995 Srebrenica genocide​


 
Top