coming up with new words/terms isn't going to work because all the republicans have to do is put the old word/term back into use and it's game over. "oh they're calling it a poverty reduction program now? NO IT'S WELFARE."
Why white identity has forsaken public infrastructure investment
- Thread starter ☑︎#VoteDemocrat
- Start date
Dead End
Rican B*stard
This is nothing new. I mean, whites working against their self-interest because of racism. The white working class has a history of doing this, often shooting themselves in the foot in the process.
It's not racism to think even mistakenly that you're supporting your racial groups interests , it's white identity politics.
Red Shield
Global Domination
limit immigration and reassure them they won't become minorities in their lifetimes.
they would still forsake public infrastructure investment
The Fukin Prophecy
RIP Champ
The strategy to beat them was laid out by Malcolm...
White voters are so evenly divided that every time they vote, the race is so close they have to go back and count the votes all over again. Which means that any bloc, any minority that has a bloc that sticks together is in a strategic position. Either way you go, that's who gets it...
We already saw this happen in Alabama...We have the power to sway elections and both parties know that, that's why Rethuglicans are hell bent on gerrymandering districts to suppress the black vote...
And who got blamed for Trump winning? Not the pink toe cave c*nts who overwhelmingly voted for the p*ssy grabber conman, they blamed it on low black turnout...and they're right, we have the power to sway elections and we NEVER use it right...
We have to get out there, vote and start holding these candidates accountable for their promises...The solution to two shytty candidates isn't staying home, nor is it "vote the lesser evil"...The lesser evil card is why Democrats don't care, they know they have the black vote locked up by default...We can't keep voting like this and then cry about nothing ever changing and the status quo...
The solution is like Malcolm said in his biography, the black folk should abandon all political parties, and become a "voting block," a "lobby," that confronts each party with their demands, and the party that promises to deliver AND DOES DELIVER, will be the party that receives the bulk of the black vote...
The number one thing both Democrats and Rethugs fear is a third party getting 15% of the vote...That would make that third party a legitimate threat to the establishment American plutocracy masquerading as a democracy...The black vote has the power to make that happen if we wanted to...That's how you beat them...
in his fantasy no immigration world black people must not exist. we're always the primary motivator. immigrants are just a side distraction especially since they aren't against immigration, just non-white immigration. he might as well say "make america more homogeneous thus reassuring them non-whites won't benefit from any govt spending in their lifetimes."
they would still forsake public infrastructure investment
AnonymityX1000
Veteran
That's real. I'm with that. After this election I'm willing to vote third party until someone in the 2 major parties comes correct.
NoGutsNoGLory
Superstar
Exactly and this was done way before Malcolm tho. An irish politician named Charles Parnell was able to push irish independence by voting as a block in British elections. The two party system is a sham and doesnt matter. We have no type of power here except for a little political power and we should use it.
Dead End
Rican B*stard
I'm not sure it's possible to separate white identity politics from racism. It's always linked with discriminatory policies that are more about exclusion, segregation and keeping others down than anything else. This is a drastic difference from most black or brown identity politics, which are usually about equality before the law, fair access and accounting of past atrocities rather than domination over "rival" racial and ethnic groups.
wsj.com
Black Voters Back Medicare for All, Not So Much the Candidates Pushing It
Joshua Jamerson
8-10 minutes
African-American voters back Medicare for All more than other groups, polls show, but the policy’s two chief proponents in the 2020 Democratic presidential race haven’t been able to translate that into widespread black support.
Instead, Sens. Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren continue to lag well behind Joe Biden with black voters. The former vice president has been a chief critic among Democrats of Medicare for All and prefers a more moderate expansion of health insurance. In a recent South Carolina poll, he led Mr. Sanders and Ms. Warren by more than 30 points with black voters.
What Is (and Isn’t) Medicare for All
Medicare for All has been an important subject of debate in the Democratic presidential campaign. WSJ explains what Medicare for All is, what it isn’t and how some of the major health-care proposals out there would change the health insurance industry.
African-Americans are poised to play an important role in the Democratic primaries in South Carolina and a swath of states that hold March nominating contests. They support a single-payer health-care plan more than other groups, at 74%, compared with 44% among white voters and 69% among Hispanics, according to polls conducted between September and November by the Kaiser Family Foundation.
Support for Medicare for All dropped among white and Hispanic voters when they were told the policy would involve eliminating private plans and could mean tax increases. But a majority of African-Americans backed the proposal even with that understanding, the Kaiser polls found.
“Health care for all. That’s what I understand it to be,” Francis Ashmore, 68 years old, of Douglasville, Ga., said, explaining her support for Medicare for All. Ms. Ashmore has listened to Sens. Warren and Sanders detail how their plans would work. “I do believe in what they say, both candidates. I don’t know about voting for them, but I listen to what all the candidates say and I take from all of them.”
She said she leaned toward supporting Mr. Biden in Georgia’s primary in late March because “I’ve always liked him.”
Progressive pollsters, campaign advisers and activists said Mr. Biden’s deep ties to many African-American communities, much of them a result of his eight years as former President Obama’s No. 2, outweighed their apparent openness to a more sweeping health-system overhaul.
“Older African-Americans are loyal,” said Ben Tulchin, a pollster for Mr. Sanders. “They like Bernie, but they’re with Biden right now. I think we can make even more progress with African-Americans over time.”
Another reason African-Americans might be sticking with Mr. Biden: They support a Medicare buy-in, like the public insurance option the former vice president has proposed, even more than Medicare for All.
Mr. Biden has pitched the buy-in as a way to strengthen the Obamacare law, which he says Medicare for All would dismantle.
September polling from The Wall Street Journal/NBC News found that African-American support for a Medicare buy-in, which was at 70%, was in line with support from other groups. That poll found African-American support for Medicare for All was at 65%, compared with 41% among voters overall
Many African-Americans across the early-voting states said they preferred to bolster the Affordable Care Act, the signature achievement of Mr. Obama.
“I want to tweak the ACA instead of get rid of it,” said Angel Lynk, a retired human-resources coordinator who lives in Mississippi and was undecided about how she would vote. She attended Ms. Warren’s recent rally during a visit to Chicago.
Ms. Lynk, 67, said she learned that Ms. Warren’s vision of health care would ultimately eliminate private insurance but open up government-run health care for everyone. “I don’t think I’m for that,” she said.
Sens. Sanders and Warren say African-Americans would benefit from Medicare for All because it would eliminate present-day racial disparities in access to care and health outcomes.
“People of color face significant barriers to getting the health care coverage they need,” Ms. Warren wrote in her “Working Agenda for Black America,” adding that, “health care is a human right and that’s why we need Medicare for All.”
Angela Peoples, founder of the organizing group Black Womxn For that has endorsed Ms. Warren, said the Massachusetts senator and her allies were working to move many black voters “from ‘I like this idea’ to ’I trust her to implement it.’”
A group called Progressive Democrats of America held a rally in April in support of Medicare for All. The proposal is favored by most black voters, who make up an important bloc in the Democratic electorate. Photo: Win McNamee/Getty Images
Ms. Peoples said her organization of more than 100 black women has worked with the campaign to get details about her plans, including on health care, “to articulate it to our communities.”
“It’s being able to talk about it with my own personal experience attached to it,” she said, citing the fear of insurance coverage lapsing or the instability of frequently switching between providers.
Nina Turner, a co-chair of Mr. Sanders campaign, said health-outcome disparities between African-Americans and other groups showed that “it’s clear that the African-American community is in line with the need for Medicare for All.” Ms. Turner said how to translate apparent support for the proposal into votes was “the million-dollar question.”
SHARE YOUR THOUGHTS
Why do you think supporters of Medicare for All are struggling to win over black voters? Join the conversation below.
She said it was often easier to pitch a single-payer vision to younger African-Americans, who tend to be more liberal than older generations. Mr. Sanders’s supporters note the Vermont senator fared better with younger blacks during his 2016 bid for the Democratic presidential nomination than he did among older black voters.
Some older African-Americans said that scrapping the current U.S. health-care system felt unrealistic. Larry Rhodes, 74, a retired avionics mechanic from Greenville, N.C., said of the Warren and Sanders health plans: “They got to have a different version because they can’t afford it.”
—Eliza Collins contributed to this article.
Write to Joshua Jamerson at joshua.jamerson@wsj.com
Perceived loss of social status linked to rising mortality rate among white Americans
A new study led by University of Toronto public health researchers suggests rising short-term mortality rates among white Americans "seems driven principally by anxiety among whites about losing social status," even though there is no evidence that they are in fact worse off.
"This is a startling finding," said Arjumand Siddiqi, an associate professor of epidemiology at the Dalla Lana School of Public Health and lead author of the study.
"For perhaps the first time, we're suggesting that a widespread population healthphenomenon can't be explained by actual social or economic status disadvantage, but instead is driven by a perceived threat to status."
Black mortality rates have been higher than white mortality rates in the United States since the beginning of the country's history. However, since 1999, the mortality fortunes of working-age whites have undergone a reversal while Black mortality rates—like mortality rates of all other groups and all high-income countries of Europe and North America—continue to fall.
The paper, titled "Growing sense of social status threat and concomitant deaths of despair among whites," is published in the December 2019 edition of Population Health, and examined administrative mortality and social survey data from 2000 to 2016.
The worst outcomes are concentrated in the lowest education group, but signs of damaging trends can be seen through all educational levels. Prior to 1999, mortality rates of white Americans were declining by 2 percent each year, on average.
"The anxiety of whites is coming from a misperception that their dominant status in society is being threatened, which is manifesting in multiple forms of psychological and physiological stress," said Siddiqi, who also holds an academic appointment at the Gillings School of Global Public Health at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
These psychological and physiological stressors are resulting in more "deaths of despair"—due to alcohol consumption, opioid use, drug overdose and suicide—and, to a lesser extent, rising chronic disease, including hypertension and obesity, according to the study. This widespread decline in health status is actually consistent with—and may even reinforce—a despair-based explanation for worsening white health, explains Siddiqi.
"Status is a major predictor of health so our team hypothesized that it was a perception among whites that Blacks are economically catching up to them, when, in fact, income inequality and other socioeconomic factors continue to affect Black Americans more unfavorably," said Siddiqi.
Another important finding uncovered by Siddiqi and her research team is the association between rising white mortality and a growing share of Republican voters. From 2000—when white mortality started to rise—to 2016, their country-level calculations suggests there was an increase in the proportion of Republican voters.
The 2016 presidential election illuminated a growing sense of a racial threat being experienced by white Americans and survey data show that voting for Trump was associated with anxieties about growing racial diversity within the U.S., and an increase in the interdependence of the U.S. with a broader globalizing world.
"With the very real rise in economic instability over the last several decades, we'd expect mortality rates to rise in the most socioeconomically disadvantaged groups of all races," said Siddiqi.
"But this is not the case. Instead we're seeing a striking reversal among working-age whites, which seems to be driven principally by anxiety among whites about losing social status to Blacks, even in the absence of evidence, which is a newly identified population health phenomenon that requires further research."
Perceived loss of social status linked to rising mortality rate among white Americans
A new study led by University of Toronto public health researchers suggests rising short-term mortality rates among white Americans "seems driven principally by anxiety among whites about losing social status," even though there is no evidence that they are in fact worse off.
"This is a startling finding," said Arjumand Siddiqi, an associate professor of epidemiology at the Dalla Lana School of Public Health and lead author of the study.
"For perhaps the first time, we're suggesting that a widespread population healthphenomenon can't be explained by actual social or economic status disadvantage, but instead is driven by a perceived threat to status."
Black mortality rates have been higher than white mortality rates in the United States since the beginning of the country's history. However, since 1999, the mortality fortunes of working-age whites have undergone a reversal while Black mortality rates—like mortality rates of all other groups and all high-income countries of Europe and North America—continue to fall.
The paper, titled "Growing sense of social status threat and concomitant deaths of despair among whites," is published in the December 2019 edition of Population Health, and examined administrative mortality and social survey data from 2000 to 2016.
The worst outcomes are concentrated in the lowest education group, but signs of damaging trends can be seen through all educational levels. Prior to 1999, mortality rates of white Americans were declining by 2 percent each year, on average.
"The anxiety of whites is coming from a misperception that their dominant status in society is being threatened, which is manifesting in multiple forms of psychological and physiological stress," said Siddiqi, who also holds an academic appointment at the Gillings School of Global Public Health at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
These psychological and physiological stressors are resulting in more "deaths of despair"—due to alcohol consumption, opioid use, drug overdose and suicide—and, to a lesser extent, rising chronic disease, including hypertension and obesity, according to the study. This widespread decline in health status is actually consistent with—and may even reinforce—a despair-based explanation for worsening white health, explains Siddiqi.
"Status is a major predictor of health so our team hypothesized that it was a perception among whites that Blacks are economically catching up to them, when, in fact, income inequality and other socioeconomic factors continue to affect Black Americans more unfavorably," said Siddiqi.
Another important finding uncovered by Siddiqi and her research team is the association between rising white mortality and a growing share of Republican voters. From 2000—when white mortality started to rise—to 2016, their country-level calculations suggests there was an increase in the proportion of Republican voters.
The 2016 presidential election illuminated a growing sense of a racial threat being experienced by white Americans and survey data show that voting for Trump was associated with anxieties about growing racial diversity within the U.S., and an increase in the interdependence of the U.S. with a broader globalizing world.
"With the very real rise in economic instability over the last several decades, we'd expect mortality rates to rise in the most socioeconomically disadvantaged groups of all races," said Siddiqi.
"But this is not the case. Instead we're seeing a striking reversal among working-age whites, which seems to be driven principally by anxiety among whites about losing social status to Blacks, even in the absence of evidence, which is a newly identified population health phenomenon that requires further research."
Perceived loss of social status linked to rising mortality rate among white Americans