Four years later, Ladjevardian is one of many Democratic candidates in Texas hoping to convert anti-Trump sentiment into victories at the state and national level on November 3. Women are at the forefront of this push — from MJ Hegar, a retired Air Force pilot who is taking aim at Senator John Cornyn, to those such as Natalí Hurtado and Keke Williams, who are fighting for seats in the Texas House of Representatives — the lower house of the state legislature. Expectations for their party are rising. Joe Biden, the Democrat presidential candidate, is trailing Trump in Texas by just four points and has invested several million dollars there to boost his campaign and help other races. Democrats are also raising record amounts of money, helping to return the Lone Star state to serious battleground status for the first time in years. The Ladjevardian-Crenshaw fight is the eighth most expensive congressional contest of the 435 races this November. Republicans in the state take the threat seriously. Steve Munisteri, former head of the Texas Republican party, says: “We have to treat it like the largest competitive state in the union. Democrats are pouring a lot of money into the state, but Republicans are not.” Yet the former Trump White House official, who is advising Cornyn in his race, says the Republican National Committee is convinced that “Texas is pretty solid” for them, even if he thinks the president is only “slightly ahead”. Such optimism stems from the fact that Democrats have long fared badly in Texas. The south-western state is critical due to its 38 electoral college votes — the second-highest after California — but no Democratic presidential candidate has won there since Jimmy Carter in 1976. It has not elected a Democratic senator since 1988 or governor since 1990. Over the past two decades, Republicans have also held sway over the redistricting of congressional seats that follows each US census. This is partly due to their majority hold on the Texas House of Representatives since 2002, after more than a century of Democratic domination. In 2003 and 2013, Texas congressional districts were redrawn in a way that helped Republicans control a large majority of the state’s 36 congressional seats.
During 2018’s midterm elections, however, Democrats saw hopeful signs that they could become a force in Texas again. In a campaign that took the state by storm and catapulted him on to the national stage, Beto O’Rourke, a former El Paso lawmaker, came very close to ousting Ted Cruz, the former Republican presidential contender, in the Senate race. The energy that he helped create has continued, feeding on a growing sense of opposition to Trump over everything from the president’s handling of Covid-19 to his sowing of division over race. But Democrats are most excited about the possibility that years of rapid demographic change could now return them to a strong foothold in Texas. That would energise the party and dramatically help fundraising. It would also increase the chances of future Democratic presidential candidates winning the state, a development with huge consequences for Republican prospects of taking the White House and one that could change American politics for a generation. Ladjevardian encapsulates many of the trends in play.
After graduating from law school in California three decades ago, she moved with her husband to Houston, which was then 40 per cent white. Recent census estimates suggest that the share of white residents has now fallen below 25 per cent. Months after Trump took office, she joined the O’Rourke Senate campaign, mobilising local voters. “This area is probably one of the most diverse counties in the nation . . . [But] the fact that not everybody was necessarily politically involved was a big deal,” she says. O’Rourke dropped out of the Democratic presidential race last November. But Ladjevardian was spurred to further action the following month, when Crenshaw voted against a bill that would have lowered drug prices — breaking a campaign promise. Ladjevardian was furious, partly because her own experience of breast cancer had taught her about healthcare costs. She decided to run against Crenshaw. “I came in literally the last hour of the day that you could declare,” she says. “I just thought to myself, this country has given me so much . . . If I don’t actually step up and do this, I would never forgive myself. I would never even be able to look at my kids.”
The Ladjevardian-Crenshaw race is still one of the tougher targets for Democrats. Crenshaw is a former Navy Seal who wears a patch over the eye he lost in Afghanistan. A strong fundraiser, he was the only Texas Republican invited to speak at the Republican National Convention in August. Munisteri says it is “not out of the realm of possibility” that Ladjevardian could win, but that a victory for her would signify a “big wave” for Democrats. Whatever the result, the Democrats will probably struggle to make a large dent in the 22-13 advantage that the Texas Republicans have in the US House of Representatives, because of the way districts are drawn. Their main target, however, is the Texas House of Representatives. Having flipped 12 seats out of its 150 in 2018, Democrats need just nine more to win the majority. My entire focus for this past year has been on the State House. There’s nothing more important for the future of this country Beto O’Rourke, former presidential candidate O’Rourke is heavily involved in these campaigns. After withdrawing from the presidential contest, he formed a group called Powered by People that is mobilising Democrats to vote in the state House races. For him, these are the contests that matter most in the long term. Control of the state legislature would give Democrats more influence over the next redistricting, which will see Texas gain more congressional seats because of its expanding population. The state will also secure a corresponding increase in its electoral college votes, making it even more important in future presidential races. “My entire focus for this past year, with every breath in my body and every waking minute of the day, has been on the state House,” O’Rourke tells me on the phone after returning from two days campaigning in north Texas. “There’s nothing more important for the future of this country.” One of the candidates that Powered by People is promoting is Natalí Hurtado, who is contesting a seat in Houston.
Ladjevardian tells me that Hurtado is a “big fighter”, and when I reach the 36-year-old, I see what she means. Hurtado’s mother came from Honduras and received political asylum. Her father, a sailor from Uruguay, left his ship in New York. Hurtado was raised in Houston. When she was 19 and still in college, her parents, who came from conservative backgrounds, presented her with an ultimatum over the boyfriend she had been with for four months: “Get married or break up.” They got married and one year later Hurtado gave birth to a daughter. But one day, after she had dropped her husband off at work, her life came crashing down. “I received a call from a detective who said my husband had been involved in a crime before we married,” she says. The crime was murder and her husband received two life sentences. “It made me a young single mother overnight,” Hurtado says. Back with her parents, she survived with the help of food stamps and Medicaid, the federal health insurance programme for low-income Americans. But she also graduated college, winning an internship in a congressional office in Washington as Barack Obama came to power. “That was a life-changing moment,” she tells me. “It was when I decided that I wanted to become a public servant.”
