Bernie’s army in disarray
Bernie’s army in disarray
The Sanders-inspired grass-roots group ‘Our Revolution’ is flailing, an extensive review by POLITICO shows, fueling concerns about a potential 2020 bid.
EDWARD-ISAAC DOVERE05/21/2018 05:00 AM EDT
Amid poor fundraising, Our Revolution earlier this month filed paperwork to launch a PAC so Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) can help it raise money directly. | Alex Wong/Getty Images
Bernie Sanders’ top operatives formed “Our Revolution” after he lost the 2016 primaries to keep his army organized and motivated — and potentially prepare for another presidential run in 2020.
But an extensive review of the Sanders-inspired group depicts an organization in disarray — operating primarily as a promotional vehicle for its leader and sometimes even snubbing candidates aligned with Sanders. Our Revolution has shown no ability to tip a major Democratic election in its favor — despite possessing Sanders’ email list, the envy of the Democratic Party — and can claim no major wins in 2018 as its own.
The result has left many Sanders supporters disillusioned, feeling that the group that was supposed to harness the senator's grass-roots movement is failing in its mission. The problems have also fueled doubts about Sanders’ organizational ability heading into 2020, even after his out-of-nowhere near-march to the nomination two years ago. Critics of the Vermont independent had been worried he’d have a juggernaut-in-waiting to fuel a second presidential campaign, but that anxiety has faded after watching Our Revolution the past year and a half.
“Our Revolution is going through growing pains,” acknowledged Jane Kleeb, the group’s treasurer, while arguing that progress is being made. “Creating a grass-roots organization is different from running a presidential campaign.”
The group writes on its website that “the next step for Bernie Sanders' movement is Our Revolution,” and uses his name, quotations and photos in its material under a logo of the colors and font Sanders used in his 2016 presidential campaign. But Sanders, who is legally separated from Our Revolution, does not keep up with its day-to-day activities and has expressed discomfort with attacks by affiliates of Our Revolution against some politicians.
Among the findings of POLITICO’s examination of Our Revolution, based on interviews with two dozen sources inside and outside the organization:
- Board members and Sanders presidential delegates from 2016 have raised questions about whether the group’s president, Nina Turner, is using her position to prepare for a presidential run of her own, and to settle scores with the Democratic National Committee from 2016.
- Two weeks ago, the group’s board of directors nixed Turner’s attempt to install her personal political consultant and friend as her chief of staff, even though the person had no experience in political organizing and had praised President Donald Trump repeatedly and attacked immigrants on Fox News.
- Monthly online fundraising totals have plummeted to just one-third of the group's take a year ago, based on an analysis of processing fees reported to the IRS by Act Blue, the tool Our Revolution uses, and verified by several people familiar with its finances. Our Revolution maintains that it’s still running a surplus and that repeat donations are steady.
- Amid the poor fundraising, Our Revolution earlier this month filed paperwork to launch a PAC so Sanders can help it raise money directly and so the group can coordinate directly with campaigns.
- A founding board member resigned last month, saying Our Revolution wasn’t paying adequate attention to Latino candidates and issues of importance to Latinos.
“What Bernie has to be careful about is that perception having an impact on his support going into 2020. He needs the enthusiasm,” said one Sanders 2016 delegate closely involved with one of this year’s primary races.
One early warning sign came in the Virginia governor’s race, last year’s marquee election. Our Revolution endorsed former Rep. Tom Perriello in the Democratic primary and offered to send two fundraising emails on his behalf using Sanders’ massive email list. Officials assured the campaign the emails would net between $150,000 and 300,000, according to two Perriello aides.
But weeks went by before the emails were sent. And when they were, the total combined haul was $50,000, according to the aides.
Perriello lost the primary to the more centrist Ralph Northam, who went on to win the general election. Our Revolution declined to back Northam.
It also sat out Doug Jones’ upset Senate win in Alabama last year, and Conor Lamb’s triumph in a Western Pennsylvania congressional district that Trump carried by 20 points.
Though Jones and Lamb were ideologically to the right of Our Revolution, the group also had no part in either of the Sanders wing’s big primary wins a week ago. In Pennsylvania, Sanders endorsed Braddock Mayor John Fetterman in the lieutenant governor’s race; he went on to beat the incumbent Pennsylvania lieutenant governor, without the endorsement or backing of Our Revolution.
And in Nebraska, Kara Eastman, who was backed broadly by progressives, upset former centrist Rep. Brad Ashford in a House primary. Our Revolution skipped that election as well.
Our Revolution has frustrated Democrats by staying on the sidelines of so many races. Northam’s 2017 general election campaign was “the World Series of politics,” said Virginia Democratic Party chairwoman Susan Swecker, “and they chose not to go to the game.” It’s also left the group without tangible successes to point to or allies in power who’ll be able to help it or Sanders down the line.
In other races where it has endorsed, including for Ohio governor and Illinois governor, Our Revolution’s preferred candidates have lost.
Meanwhile, Our Revolution backed Texas House candidate Laura Moser only after the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee tried to torpedo her primary bid.
Our Revolution leaders said that what they’re building goes much deeper than winning elections. The focus, said Larry Cohen, the group’s volunteer chairman, “is not that scoreboard. The focus is: Can we grow in actually measurable ways in this movement?”
He described efforts to help 600 local chapters grow, get trained and employ technology such as personalized text messages and emails. Those tools, Cohen said, make Our Revolution more potent than people may realize if they’re paying attention only to traditional or surface-level politics.
Our Revolution, for example, said it texted 35,000 supporters on behalf of Dennis Kucinich‘s failed campaign for governor in Ohio, and sent 11,000 texts backing successful gubernatorial primary winner Paulette Jordan in Idaho.
But most of what Our Revolution has become known for in campaigns is an active and often combative Twitter account.
Turner’s tactics
Both fans and detractors of Sanders pin Our Revolution’s problems on Turner, the former Ohio state senator who became the group’s president and public face a year ago. Though some sources involved in Our Revolution said she’s been an effective spokesperson, several others told POLITICO they think she’s seeking to increase her profile and collect chits to run for president herself as the leader of the Sanders movement if the 76-year-old senator ultimately sits out 2020.
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