Adam Bonica and Jake Grumbach provide a comprehensive critique of popularist calls for Democrats to moderate their positions in response to Republican gains in the 2024 U.S. election. Of course, one of the issues most frequently singled out for moderation is transgender rights.
Within forty-eight hours of Trump’s reelection, Democratic congressmen Tom Suozzi and Seth Moulton
spoke out against trans athletes (although Moulton has since
walked back those comments). In laying the groundwork for his likely 2028 presidential campaign, California Governor Gavin Newsom has
flirted with several far-right positions on trans youth, including banning transition until age twenty-six. Even prior to 2024, the
New York Times,
Matt Yglesias, and
Ruy Teixeira—all highlighted in Bonica and Grumbach’s article as advocates for Democratic moderation—were promoting anti-trans talking points.
But the notion that retreating from trans rights will benefit Democrats in future elections rests on three false assumptions.
The first is that the current anti-trans backlash is the result of “activists going too far,” a trope that is levied against virtually every social justice movement. This framing allows opponents to cast the rolling back of rights as a “realignment” with public opinion and a return to the “natural order” of things. But that is not at all what has happened here.
The claim that Republican anti-trans ads and rhetoric are winning over Democratic and independent voters is simply not true.
I’ve been involved in trans communities since the early 1990s, and during that entire time trans people have acted locally—in their schools, workplaces, and communities—to increase awareness and challenge discriminatory practices. The International Olympic Committee began allowing trans athletes to compete way back in
2004, and gender-affirming care for trans youth is now almost
three decades old. These are not by any means “novel” or “radical” developments.
What
is new is that, starting around 2015—in the wake of increased trans visibility in the media (sometimes called the “
transgender tipping point”) and the Supreme Court’s decision in
Obergefell legalizing same-sex marriage—social conservatives began shifting their efforts toward targeting trans people instead. The attacks have since grown into a highly
coordinated and
well–
funded movement that churns out both anti-trans and broader anti-LGBTQ legislation at
unprecedented levels. This is the real reason why Republicans have become obsessed with “
fairness in women’s sports,” “
biological sex,” “
social contagion,” “
restrooms,” “
grooming,” and other soundbites that didn’t exist ten or fifteen years ago.
In other words, there hasn’t been an organic shift in public opinion on trans people but rather a massive astroturfing campaign against us.
The second assumption made by advocates for moderation is that Republican anti-trans ads and rhetoric are winning over Democratic and independent voters. This is simply not true. In his “Modern Electoral History of Transphobia” series (parts
1,
2, and
3), Joshua A. Cohen of the Ettingermentum newsletter analyzed every major U.S. election from 2010 to 2023 in which Republicans campaigned on anti-trans positions and found zero evidence that such strategies were effective: those Republicans either lost or else won due to unrelated factors. And that trend
continued across the country in November 2025, most notably in the Virginia and New Jersey gubernatorial elections.
In her
Liberal Currents article “Trans Panic? More Like Trans Apathetic,” Katherine Alejandra Cross dispels two myths that persist among popularists: that the “Kamala is for they/them” ad helped get Trump elected and that opposing trans rights is an “80/20” issue. As Cross points out,
poll after
poll after
poll has shown that voters reliably rank transgender issues among the least important to them. In mid-September 2024—a month and a half before the presidential election—Gallup
asked registered voters how important twenty-two different issues were to their vote, from the economy and democracy to immigration, taxes, abortion, and crime; “transgender rights” ranked dead
last on the share of people who considered it extremely, very, or somewhat important. In other words, voters are not casting their votes based upon their opinions of trans people. Furthermore, the small minority of voters who
do consider transgender issues to be a high priority undoubtedly fall into both the pro-trans and anti-trans camps (the latter being disproportionately
white Evangelicals who are unlikely to vote for Democrats under any circumstance).
Which brings us to the third mistaken assumption: that abandoning trans rights will have no negative ramifications for Democrats. Popularists act as though Democrats can excise trans sports or trans rights from their agenda without impacting other people and issues. This is extremely naive. Of the twenty-seven states that have passed
trans sports bans, all but one has
also banned gender-affirming care for trans youth. And many of these same red states are passing “don’t say gay” laws, banning drag performances,
censoring LGBTQ books, and working to
overturn same-sex marriage. The Republicans promoting this flurry of legislation don’t see these as distinct policies—for them, it’s a concerted effort to push LGBTQ people out of the public sphere en masse. If you think they will stop once they’ve rolled back transgender rights, you are out of your mind.
If you think Republicans will stop once they’ve rolled back transgender rights, you are out of your mind.
Given all this, the supposed strategic advantage for Democrats just doesn’t wash. While trans adults only constitute
0.8 percent of the population, that amounts to over 80,000 voters in a crucial swing state like Pennsylvania—enough to make a difference in a close election if they choose to stay home or cast third-party protest votes. Of course, trans people also have loved ones—our partners, family, friends—who may become disenchanted with Democrats if they abandon us. And if gay, lesbian, and bisexual people (correctly) interpret Democrats speaking out against trans athletes and gender-affirming care as a sign that they are retreating from LGBTQ rights more generally, it could have even more devastating effects at the ballot box. An NBC News Exit Poll of the 2024 presidential election
found that LGBTQ people represented 8 percent of all voters and 86 percent of us voted for Harris. This is a fairly solid voting block that has the potential to grow, as a 2025 Gallup poll
estimates that 23.1 percent of Gen Z identifies as LGBTQ.
Being Gen X myself—having grown up during a time when most LGBTQ people were forced into the closet—I can understand why many middle-aged and older Americans may feel confused or annoyed or disturbed by trans people suddenly having a voice and speaking up for ourselves. (Cross lucidly addresses this in her article.) But Americans under the age of 50, and especially between 18 and 29, are significantly more
accepting of trans people. Any forward-thinking strategist would recognize that, if winning future elections is the goal, standing up for trans and LGBTQ rights is the best political approach in the long run.
Democrats can counteract Republican anti-trans talking points in a
variety of ways: critique them as baseless fearmongering, as government overreach, as interfering with personal family decisions, or (to use a favorite popularist approach) dismiss them as a distraction from “kitchen table” issues. Anti-trans/LGBTQ policies can also be accurately and persuasively condemned as part of Republicans’ more general
assault on science. While popularists tend not to be fans of calling Republicans “
weird,” when they
constantly post selfies of themselves “defending restrooms,” or when they propose trans sports bans that include
genital inspections of children, perhaps that approach is apt. Declaring his veto of a bill that would have banned trans kids from restrooms and gender-affirming care, Kentucky Governor Andy Beshear
said in March 2023, “My faith teaches me that all children are children of God and Senate Bill 150 will endanger the children of Kentucky.” He won reelection that November.
As Bonica and Grumbach emphasize, voters today are craving authenticity. In such an environment, a Democratic politician who unapologetically stands up for their trans and LGBTQ constituents is likely to benefit from such a stance.