↓R↑LYB
I trained Sheng Long and Shonuff
I wish I could believe u but ur reppin Duckberg![]()
I'm fighting for black people in duckberg too
I wish I could believe u but ur reppin Duckberg![]()
whites would talk about reverse racism n shyt basically

People always have grievances with the state. Certainly many of the black people under carceral control today – more than the number enslaved in 1850 – have grievances with the state. But despite grievances, it is not every day that people challenge state power. Revolutionary movements not only reject the legitimacy of the state, but also mobilize a constituency to challenge it practically, and articulate this movement with the interests of other constituencies into a more generalized challenge to state power. You see some elements of this in Occupy Wall Street, but a federally coordinated effort by municipalities responded effectively to vilify that movement, emphasizing the health and public safety risks of “homeless encampments” and the eccentricities of “anarchist activists.” The Tea Party hosts a strange mix of right-wing economic policy in the guise of social conservatism and reactionary patriotism, so the parallels are harder to see.
It may be a long time before a powerful revolutionary movement develops again in the United States because such movements are quite rare, and no two are built the same way. Insurgent movements generally, and revolutionary movements in particular, develop in historically specific ways. They depend on unique cultural technologies of practice. To develop political power, revolutionaries have not only to defy the state, but to do so in such a way as to leverage broader political cleavages. Only by attracting broad allied support in the face of repression can revolutionaries articulate an ever-greater political challenge. In short, revolutionaries must “seize the time.” History has shown that this is quite difficult to do.