Love how you can speak to what your entire race is going through on a day to day basis.......I'll just leave this here. Alot of us were to young to know what took place in the 60's, but if you envision black people our there by ourselves fighting the world with no help from other races then you need to pick up a fukking book. As stated the black race has had an exceptional and harsher road then most. But most black youth today have no idea what it was like for their parent and or grandparents 50 years ago. And because of this are spoiled and entitled almost to the level of extreme arrogance. But none the less, I will leave this here........
In June 2015,
Kevin Richardson sat down at home and did the sort of thing that many people do each day. He flipped his TV, turned to cable news and watched Donald Trump declare his intention to seek the Republican Party's presidential nomination.
Trump's speech turned to claims that
Mexican illegal immigrants are “bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists. And some, I assume, are good people” who would be removed from the country under a President Trump, no exceptions.
“It was exactly what Trump did to me, to us,” Richardson, one of the five black and Latino teens convicted of a rape in Central Park — they were later exonerated — and sentenced to substantial prison time. Trump became a part of this widely reported and closely followed crime story when, two weeks after the teens were arrested, he
spent a reported $85,000 placing full-page ads in all four major New York daily newspapers.
“Just like those ads, that speech was a call for extreme action based on a whole set of completely false claims. It seems,” Richardson said, “that this man is for some strange reason obsessed with sex and rape and black and Latino men.”
Trump's 1989 ads never mentioned the teens by name, but they made reference to the rape in Central Park, the need to infringe on the civil liberties of some to protect the law-abiding many, to demonstrate the strength and commitment to reclaim the city from out-of-control groups of criminals and demanded the restoration of the death penalty in New York state.
The ads were some of Trump's first forays into public matters not connected to development or real estate. They seemed to justify and feed a lynch-mob mentality around the case, several elected officials and some of the Central Park Five told me. And, they are, in many ways, early proof that Trump's demonstrated habits of scapegoating and group-based suspicion, his insistence that either can be a solid basis for public policy, have been nurtured for some time.
This week, when confronted again with just how wrong he was about the Central Park Five, Trump not only refused to acknowledge widely reported and well-known facts or the court's official actions in the case. He did not simply refuse to apologize: He described the men as guilty, and then demonstrated, once again, that he is a master at the dark art of using long-standing racial fears, stereotypes and anxieties to advance his personal and political goals.
He used the Central Park Five to differentiate himself from his political opponent. He stoked support for solutions inconsistent with the law. And he refused to admit any error. In doing so, Trump showed himself to be genuinely willing to say the impolitic, to take a harder-than-hard stand on crime and to do or say anything to best and punish those who he believes have committed crimes.
“I would say this obsession of his is one of the strangest things I have ever heard of,” Richardson told me, “except we know that it's not exactly rare, that it's been used to whip up lynch mobs and pass laws and take people's lives at the end of a rope in this country before. Really, as I sat there and listened to him, realizing this is real, not some kind of joke, my stomach started to turn. It really made me physically ill. Donald Trump was at it again, this time to take control of the country.”