Lets Discuss What went wrong with Bernie Sanders' campaign ?

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Opinion | These Young Socialists Think They Have Courage. They Don’t.

These Young Socialists Think They Have Courage. They Don’t.
Many disappointed fans of Bernie Sanders would prefer a quixotic display of principle.
By Mitchell Abidor

May 13, 2020


The progressive magazine The Nation published an open letter last month in which former members of the radical 1960s organization Students for a Democratic Society pleaded with a younger generation of leftists to support Joe Biden for president. The letter, titled “To the New New Left From the Old New Left,” warned that the re-election of President Trump would jeopardize “the very existence of American democracy.”



The signatories expressed fear that some supporters of Bernie Sanders, including members of the Democratic Socialists of America, would “refuse to support” Mr. Biden because they consider him “a representative of Wall Street Capital” — and therefore, in essential respects, not fundamentally better than Mr. Trump.



The letter was fair and sensible in its reasoning and right-minded in its conclusion. Given that the difference of a few thousand votes in states such as Michigan and Wisconsin might allow Mr. Trump to win a second term, a quixotic display of socialist principle in the 2020 election could have disastrous repercussions for the nation and the world.



Unfortunately, the letter’s fears were well-founded. The Democratic Socialists of America had already declined to back Mr. Biden. It has been joined in that refusal by Jacobin magazine, an influential publication among young leftists.



Bhaskar Sunkara, Jacobin’s editor, announced on Twitter that he would vote for the Green Party candidate, Howie Hawkins. The magazine has since published several articles on the question of supporting Mr. Biden, including one that criticized the former members of Students for a Democratic Society for “haranguing young socialists,” insisted that building a democratic socialist movement “is the only real hope for the planet’s future,” pointed to the violation of rights under “Republican and Democratic presidencies alike” and downplayed the threat that Mr. Trump poses (“if he had both the will and the capacity to crush his opponents in the style of Hitler, Franco, or Mussolini, he would have done so by now”).



To followers of leftist politics, the argument was all too familiar: The two major parties are merely the right and left wings of the capitalist system. Six of one, half a dozen of the other.



It is worth noting that this was also the position of most members of the New Left during the 1968 presidential election. Back then, radical young leftists either refused to vote or supported the candidates of the Peace and Freedom Party, the Freedom and Peace Party, and even the Yippies — the Youth International Party — who encouraged people to vote for a pig named Pigasus. Anyone or anything was preferable to Richard Nixon except of course the Democratic Party’s nominee, Hubert Humphrey.



This is not the only historical echo in today’s dispute about support for Mr. Biden. In the early 1960s, Students for a Democratic Society, too, found itself in a generational standoff. At that point, the group was the youth branch of the League for Industrial Democracy, which had an older membership and was social democratic, trade unionist and anti-Communist. It didn’t take long for tensions to mount between the two organizations.



In October 1963 members of S.D.S. met with the editors of Dissent magazine, most prominently Irving Howe, to see whether despite their differences the two generations of leftists could make common cause. The meeting did not go well. A major sticking point, then as now, was how to view liberal democracy. The members of S.D.S. argued against representative democracy in favor of what they called participatory democracy. To Mr. Howe their ideas “sounded too much like the fecklessness of our youth, when Stalinists and even a few socialists used to put down ‘mere’ bourgeois democracy.”



Mr. Howe would later express regret about the way the meeting played out, bemoaning his “know-it-all” tone. One of the S.D.S. members of who attended that meeting, Todd Gitlin, wrote about the encounter decades later. He reflected on his and his colleagues’ “rambunctious youth” and confessed that he “had carried for years a memory of this occasion’s sting.”



It is a quirk of history that the young radicals of that time are the pragmatic elders of today. Several members of S.D.S. who attended that fateful meeting in 1963 — including Mr. Gitlin — signed the open letter last month in The Nation. The respectful and diplomatic tone of their letter shows that they learned from the mistakes of Mr. Howe and his colleagues. But tone can accomplish only so much. A younger generation sure of its righteousness is seldom willing to heed the advice of elders.



And “righteousness” is not too strong a word. Maintaining doctrinal purity is a big reason many leftists are refusing to endorse Mr. Biden. Another Jacobin article argued that having the Democratic Socialists of America support “a lesser evil candidate” would have “major ramifications” for … the Democratic Socialists of America.



Are those the ramifications that American socialists should be worrying about? Jacobin and its readers and members of the Democratic Socialists of America are largely white, largely college educated, largely American citizens. If Mr. Trump is re-elected, they could spend the next four years suffering little more than the pangs of political outrage. But millions of less fortunate people would suffer real consequences.



Taking a principled stand is courageous only when those taking it put themselves at risk. Placing others at risk requires no courage at all. As Mr. Howe wrote in a 1965 article on the New Left that applies to many on the left today, there is “an inclination to make of their radicalism not a politics of common action, which would require the inclusion of saints, sinners, and ordinary folk, but, rather, a gesture of moral rectitude.”



The Democratic Socialists of America and Jacobin claim to be laying a path to socialism, but it is worth bearing in mind George Orwell’s definition of socialism as “justice and common decency.” In pursuing its vision of the former, the new New Left has forsaken the latter.

Mitchell Abidor is the editor and translator of “Down With the Law: Anarchist Individualist Writings From Early Twentieth-Century France.”

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.

Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.
 

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politico.com
Bernie world descends into disarray
By QUINT FORGEY
9-11 minutes
Even Our Revolution, the group started by Sanders in 2016, lacks access to his new email list that made him the best Democratic fundraiser this year.

Many of Sanders’ allies were demoralized by what they saw as Our Revolution failing to live up to its potential after his first presidential run. Now, in the wake of a second unsuccessful campaign, some fear they’re witnessing a repeat of the 2016 wreck unfold in real time.

“I feel like I’m in some kind of simulation that’s having a glitch. All of the same things that happened in 2016 are happening over again,” said a former senior aide to Sanders, who was granted anonymity to speak candidly. “The question is, what do we do now? ... There's just nothing comparable on the left to the Bernie campaign.”

There is already discord over new organizations that have sprouted since Sanders dropped out last month. Several progressives are incensed over a super PAC that longtime Sanders adviser Jeff Weaver created to help elect presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden, seeing it as a betrayal of the Vermont senator's opposition to big-money groups.

Others worry that Once Again, another PAC started by different top aides to amass more Sanders delegates at the National Democratic Convention, is a waste of time since the primary is all but over.

“For the top aide to come out of the gate of the campaign and say, I’m starting a super PAC to persuade Bernie's grass-roots base to vote for Biden, and Biden has not made any policy promises that would even meet the minimum requirement to earn your adversary’s voters, that’s just a slap in the face,” said Winnie Wong, a former senior adviser for Sanders’ campaign. “A lot of Bernie's very active base are really enraged and pretty horrified.”

Much of the tension over the future of Sanders’ army stems from what happened at Our Revolution after his first campaign. When Weaver took it over in 2016, most of the staff quit in protest, including some who were opposed to his desire to raise large donations through an independent expenditure.

Then, in the 2018 midterms, Our Revolution flipped zero Republican-held House seats — a fact that moderates pointed to in the presidential primary to portray Sanders and other left-wing candidates as unelectable.

Several aides and allies believe its problems are partly attributable to the lack of a clear direction. According to three former staffers at Our Revolution, the group undertook a months-long process with aides in 2018, led by adviser Max Berger, to chart a more distinct path.

They settled on an ambitious plan: to try to take over the Democratic Party and transform it into a left-wing social democratic party. But board chairman Larry Cohen opposed the idea — believing that it was too similar to the goal of the Democratic Socialists of America — and it was scrapped.


“What we saw after ’16 was a real lack of clarity about what work people should actually do,” said Berger, who went on to join Elizabeth Warren’s presidential campaign. :lolbron:

Cohen dismissed Our Revolution’s critics, pointing to a 2020 mission plan developed with polling. It lays out three priorities: winning issue fights, building a progressive party and electing more liberals. While the organization didn’t dispute that the group unseated no Republicans in 2018, an aide said about one-third of its endorsed candidates won in the midterms.

Advisers at Once Again said their group is needed to collect enough delegates required to influence the party platform at the convention. They said it formed in part to keep Sanders voters from growing dispirited over the news of Weaver’s super PAC.

Weaver, for his part, argues that an independent expenditure is needed to raise money quickly in the remaining months of the general election.
If Biden won and passed into law, say, a $15 hourly minimum wage, it would show voters that the progressive movement can deliver, he said.

“You can’t ask people decade in and decade out to make small-dollar contributions, knock on doors, make phone calls, and text their friends without demonstrating that the movement can have positive, real results,” Weaver said. “If it’s just a sort of left debating society, if it’s just the purity Olympics, we are going to fail miserably.”

While his allies launch and fight over their own PACs, Sanders is still deciding his next steps, according to people close to him.

Faiz Shakir, Sanders' 2020 campaign manager, said Sanders won't create a new group, while other former aides said that is a possibility. The Sanders Institute — another organization founded after 2016 by his wife, Jane, and son, which shut down during his 2020 campaign — is expected to return. His new email list has been transferred to the Friends of Bernie Sanders PAC.

In a sign of tension between Sanders and Our Revolution, Cohen said he has not asked for that list and doesn’t know whether he will receive it, despite the fact that the group was given the prized donor data in 2016.

Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), a former campaign co-chair, said he's told Sanders that he should remain a visible leader of the progressive movement. Sanders, who is 78, seemed to agree, according to other aides.

“Bernie Sanders will continue to be a leader, if not the leader, for tens of millions of people in this country who want to see real progressive change,” said Weaver, who still advises Sanders despite their disagreements over the super PAC.

In recent weeks, Sanders has spent time selecting people to serve on the “unity” policy task forces he formed with Biden in an effort to nudge the presumptive democratic nominee to the left. He also has held numerous online sessions on the coronavirus, worked on progressive legislation, and endorsed and raised money for a slate of liberal candidates — the markings of what Sanders sees as his role now, Shakir said.

After Sanders’ campaign ended, he held a call with thousands of volunteers and allowed groups that endorsed him to make a pitch to them. He also posted on his website a list of groups that he encouraged supporters to join, including the Democratic Socialists of America and Our Revolution.

But many of Sanders’ former aides and allies said they want more direction. Some of his ex-staffers who are members of the DSA are considering sending him a letter to ask him to more vocally encourage his supporters to join the group.

Pamela John, a top volunteer for Sanders, created a petition that called on Sanders to gift his digital assets, including his texting tool and online organizing data, to Our Revolution or another group to elect progressive candidates and support left-wing goals. It was signed by thousands of other volunteers.

"It just seems unthinkable that it would cease," she said in an interview, referring to Sanders' volunteer networks.


Others have acted on their own. Former Sanders volunteers in Rhode Island are launching a group next week called Reclaim Rhode Island. There is also still an operating Slack channel of Sanders volunteers, which Once Again and Our Revolution said they have tapped to recruit volunteers absent access to the official data.

Some former aides see Sanders as personally uninterested in managing a legacy grassroots group and unfamiliar with some of the technical details of his 2020 operation’s infrastructure.

“There’s some anxiety within the progressive movement and 'Sanders world' that the Sanders Institute and Our Revolution were letdowns after 2016. And people are not sure if Bernie and Jane understand that,” said one former Sanders aide. “The fact that campaign staffers are launching a new PAC every week is a sign that there’s not much intention and strategy from the top going into sustaining the Sanders movement for the long term.”

Shakir said that because the left lacks the institutional infrastructure that moderate Democrats have at their disposal, progressives sometimes expect Sanders to shoulder all of the burden.

"You cannot ask a candidate who had a campaign to be the kind of long-term solution for this," Shakir said.

Other ideas ex-Sanders staffers and advisers are discussing include forming an alliance of progressive groups to better coordinate, or dedicating a super PAC to left-wing congressional and state candidates who are typically badly outspent by moderates.

Claire Sandberg, Sanders’ former national organizing director, said that one of the biggest problems the left is facing is the lack of an electoral infrastructure that can carry on from campaign to campaign. Utilizing Sanders’ data and organizing network could change that, but progressives should explore other options if he doesn't want to, she said.

“It’s challenging for insurgent down-ballot campaigns to start from scratch with no networks of progressive volunteers and donors to tap and no data on who the progressive voters in their districts are,” she said. “The simplest way to create that enduring electoral infrastructure would be to not dismantle what already exists."

:wow:


@wire28 @Th3G3ntleman @ezrathegreat @Jello Biafra @humble forever @Dameon Farrow @Piff Perkins @Pressure @johnedwarduado @Armchair Militant @panopticon @Tres Leches @ADevilYouKhow @dtownreppin214
 
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Bernie Sanders got as far as you can get in American politics strictly based on policy. Nothing more, nothing less. Politics is as much as popularity contest as it is anything else. Bernie Sanders is basically the most successful introvert to run for the Democratic nomination in the past 40 years. He doesn't like retail politics and you can't win that way. All the shyt that the left ridicules is how most people see politics. You have to adjust to the consumer base and donor base to a degree. That said, there's no way to look at the platform Biden is pushing and what Senators and members of the House are fighting for and claim that he didn't win the policy argument. The left is more powerful than it has been at any point since the 80s but has nihilistic ass tendecies and can't see it.
 

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Surprised this was not posted, a great conversation that helps explain where progressives went wrong and continue to go wrong.

Why Bernie Sanders lost and how progressives can still win

As a teaser to our discussion, here are some of McElwee’s findings:

  • It is extremely difficult to significantly change the composition of the electorate via an inspiring campaign or a killer field operation. It has been tried many, many times and almost always ends in failure.
  • There is a way to change the composition of the electorate: by changing laws. Legal and structural reform that focuses on
    • a) making it easier to vote (e.g. automatic voter registration) or
    • b) giving people something valuable to protect (e.g. Medicaid expansion) works.
  • The left’s theory of class politics is grounded in the idea that lower-income, less-educated rural white voters are the likeliest constituency for a left agenda. But those voters, in reality, are much more conservative than the college-educated suburbanites the left often dismisses.
  • The trifecta of progressive policy issues that resonate most with these voters (and voters in general) are:
    • 1) aggressive pharmaceutical reform,
    • 2) a job-creating clean energy agenda, and
    • 3) ambitious paid family leave.
  • The way that progressives can build institutional power within the Democratic Party is not by trying to flip red districts but by ousting moderate Democrats in relatively safe blue seats.
  • Incremental legislative victories are an important though often overlooked way of shifting public opinion. In order to pass a major, structural change like Medicare-for-all, you need to prove your theory of the case to voters who are skeptical of change by showing that smaller, incremental changes like Medicaid expansion or lowering prescription drug costs can pass and work when implemented. Those smaller victories are like an investment in the future — they build public confidence in reform that can be cashed in for bigger reform later.
  • Running on a maximalist policy agenda creates a massive expectation gap between what you can achieve and what you say you can achieve. When you promise something and deliver, you build power. When you promise something and bring home half or a quarter, you deflate hope and create cynicism.
 
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