Official War With Iran Thread

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thedailybeast.com
Iran’s Qasem Soleimani is the Mastermind Preparing Proxy Armies for War With America
Michael Weiss05.17.19 12:37 PM ET
9-11 minutes
Two years ago, almost to the day, a convoy of 20 vehicles drove toward a stretch of desert in southern Syria, near the Jordanian border.

This terrain was unremarkable but for the fact that it encircled a military base known as al-Tanf where 200 American soldiers, most of them Marines and Special Forces, were garrisoned alongside British counterparts and an Arab counterinsurgency group.

Drawn from the ranks of Syrian rebels who first took up arms to fight Bashar al-Assad’s regime, the fighters of Maghawir al-Thawra, or the Revolutionary Commandos Army, were repurposed with the sole mission of helping the U.S.-led coalition hunt and kill ISIS jihadists. But the enemy convoy headed toward al-Tanf didn’t belong to ISIS; it belonged to a consortium of Shia militias, led by Lebanese Hezbollah, which were fighting on behalf of Assad.

Al-Tanf was technically within a 55-kilometer “de-confliction” zone meant to keep out allies of Damascus.

Two U.S. aircraft were dispatched as a “show of force,” to use the Pentagon’s term of art, to dissuade the approaching militias. But the vehicles didn’t stop. So the warplanes next fired warning shots. The vehicles remain undeterred and five of them drove within 29 kilometers of al-Tanf. The warplanes finally opened fire, destroying a tank and a bulldozer.

The United States had just killed members of Iran’s most formidable terrorist proxy in an airstrike. Yet war with Iran didn’t break out. If anything, Washington went out of its way to emphasize that its presence in Syria was to fight only ISIS and that its attack was waged purely in “self-defense,” as one coalition official told the press.

Hezbollah, “The Party of God,” took no retaliatory action. Immediate de-escalation, in other words, was practically built right into this brief sortie, which was later dismissed as a very minor installment in an off-again, on-again proxy war between America and Iran in the Middle East.

As long as the caliphate existed, that proxy war was a sideshow in the greater struggle against Sunni jihad. But now, after the collapse of the caliphate and the attendant rise of Shia jihad, that sideshow threatens to become the main event, a full-scale reprise of the last time the U.S. and Iran fought each other on foreign soil. Only this time, the confrontation will take place in a much bigger arena, spanning two countries, and with a much larger and more well-equipped Iranian adversary.

Three weeks ago Qasem Soleimani, the commander of Iran’s expeditionary Qods Force, instructed Shia militias to “prepare for proxy war,” according to the Guardian. “It wasn’t quite a call to arms, but it wasn’t far off,” one official told the British broadsheet.

Evidently this intelligence, which other reports said originated with the Israelis, led the White House to make another “show of force”—dispatching a naval battle group and B-52 squadron to the region—as well as a display of caution with the removal of all non-essential diplomatic staff from Iraq. There were varying claims within the U.S. executive as to the urgency of this Iranian threat, also said to include missiles deployed to Damascus and fishing boats in the Gulf.

Soleimani is America’s most dangerous enemy in the region, and he has relished his role bleeding the Great Satan on terrain he knows intimately, home to governments he’s infiltrated with a machiavellian admixture of coercion, bribery and violence. His overriding sales pitch to everyone is that he’s a far more reliable and enduring ally than the U.S. will ever be. Everyone has begun to believe him.

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Credited with being responsible for more American deaths in Iraq than any party other than al-Qaeda, his militias were once a movable target for Joint Special Operations Command, back when there were 120,000 U.S. servicemen in Iraq.

Gen. Stanley McChrystal even inaugurated a special task force for “countering Iranian influence.” Thus began the era of Black Hawk raids on Shia militiamen and even a handful of their Iranian superiors, the most notable of whom was Gen. Mohsen Chizari, the Qods Force’s head of operations. (Soleimani himself very narrowly escaped being arrested in a JSOC dragnet in Iraqi Kurdistan.)

“Iranian influence” largely consisted of rockets launched at U.S. positions and personnel and highly lethal bombs, known as Explosively Formed Penetrators, which pierced the armor plating of Abrams tanks and Bradley Fighting Vehicles, killing or maiming the passengers inside. (EFPs were also known as “Persian bombs” because they were manufactured in a petroleum factory in the Iranian city of Mehran and smuggled across the border by the Badr Corps, one of Soleimani’s oldest and most trusted fifth columns in Iraq. Members of the Bush administration at one point gave serious consideration to blowing up the factory.)

“The total butcher’s bill from Soleimani’s first proxy war against U.S. forces: 603 dead Americans.”

Most notoriously, in 2006, agents of Asaib Ahl al-Haq, or the League of the Righteous, another of Soleimani’s militias, killed five U.S. soldiers in Karbala. One of the planners of this operation, later caught by McChrystal, was Hezbollah operative Ali Musa Daqduq, nicknamed Hamid the Mute owing to his initial reluctance to talk to his captors — until he did and confessed that the whole thing had been cooked up by Iranian overseers.

The total butcher’s bill from Soleimani’s first proxy war against U.S. forces: 603 dead Americans. And since the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq in 2011 he has had eight years to consolidate interests across what’s sometimes referred to as the Shia crescent.

Lately, Soleimani has grown ever more ambitious. Plans for an Iranian “land-bridge,” or a direct line of communication running from Tehran to the Mediterranean, have long been underway, their only obstacle being U.S. garrisons such as the one at al-Tanf, which is probably why Hezbollah and company tested its defenses in 2017. Small price to pay to see if the Yanks fought back.


“The U.S. wants to expel Soleimani’s assets from Syria? Bring it on, he’ll say.”

To give you a sense of where we are in 2019, it pays to consider that Soleimani is now the one with an occupying army. There are an estimated 100,000 men (and boys) under his command and not all are Persian or Arab. They include Pakistanis and Hazara Afghans, refugees from the Taliban who have been dragooned into acting as cannon fodder in Aleppo and Mosul. The ones that lived have gained valuable tactical experience fighting a hodgepodge of Syrian rebels, al-Qaeda, ISIS and in some instances even soldiers of the Iraqi and Syrian armies they didn’t get on with.

Yet, many of these militias have also had their eye on a much bigger prize.

Hardly a week has passed since Operation Inherent Resolve got underway in 2014 in which some scrofulous Shia warrior hasn’t publicly threatened to shoot down a U.S. plane or open fire on American personnel. More often than not, these threats are accompanied by the feverish conspiracy theory, already quite popular in Iraq, that the U.S. is re-supplying ISIS with aid or weaponry. On other occasions they’re simply intended to relay a not-so-gentle reminder on behalf of their Iranian commander that America’s presence in Iraq continues solely at his pleasure and discretion, which is not unlimited.

Indeed, it seems to have run out now, owing perhaps to America’s newfound hawkishness or Soleimani’s long-held plans for his expanding his zone of hegemony, or both. Sources within Iran say that he is busy consolidating his interests at home, too. He’s never held with the so-called “reformists” who opted for diplomacy on nuclear weapons, if not creeping rapprochement with the West, only to come away with egg on their faces. The U.S. wants to expel Soleimani’s assets from Syria where they’re responsible for saving what’s left of the Assad regime? Bring it on, he’ll say, and already has done, answering Trump’s Game of Thrones meme with his own.

The timing couldn’t be better. He stands the undisputed military hero of the Islamic Republic, with a growing personality cult within the Qods Force and the broader Revolutionary Guards Corps. He’s conducted half a dozen simultaneous conflicts, hopping from war zone to war zone and taking selfies in the trenches with moist-eyed acolytes of varying insignias. Most important, he is seen as the one man who outsmarted three U.S. presidents, using their own myopic policies to his farsighted advantage, starting with the invasion of Iraq, continuing onto the failure to confront Assad, and culminating in the fixation on ISIS as the sole security challenge in the neighborhood. Withal, Iran has gained in stature even as its economy implode and its people take to the streets asking for food, jobs and hospitals at home rather than revolutionary adventurism abroad.

If Soleimani’s behavior is prelude to something, it’s probably not retirement but a future political career. And if he is telling his fanatical loyalists to stand at the ready, then even a country led by so disastrous a figure as our president should probably be prepared for proxy war, too.



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U.S. Officials Work to Convince Divided Congress of Iran Threat

nytimes.com
U.S. Officials Work to Convince Divided Congress of Iran Threat
8-9 minutes


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“We have deterred attacks based on our reposturing of assets, deterred attacks against American forces,” said Patrick Shanahan, the acting defense secretary.CreditCreditBrendan Smialowski/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
WASHINGTON — Top American national security officials sought to convince a divided Congress on Tuesday about the seriousness of new threats from Iran as they defended intelligence that has prompted military deployments aimed at deterring attacks by Tehran.

Democrats emerged from the classified briefings on Capitol Hill with sharp questions about whose actions ultimately led to the recent escalation: Tehran’s or the Trump administration’s.

Late last week, Iran removed some missiles it had stationed on small boats in its territorial waters — a step American officials said was a sign that Iran was seeking to ease tensions. On Tuesday, American officials said Iran had threatened to target those missiles at Saudi Arabia’s oil infrastructure to drive up oil prices and disrupt international trade.

Recent intelligence has indicated that Iran was considering such attacks in response to tough American sanctions against Iran’s oil sector and the administration’s decision to designate the paramilitary arm of Iran’s government a terrorist organization, according to two officials who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the analysis publicly.

“Are they reacting to us, or are we doing these things in reaction to them? That is a major question I have, that I still have,” Senator Angus King, a Maine independent who mostly votes with Democrats, said after the closed-door briefings.

“The most immediate concern is the danger of miscalculation,” Mr. King said. “What we view as defensive, they view as provocative. Or vice versa.”

In separate meetings with senators and representatives, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and acting Defense Secretary Patrick Shanahan outlined the intelligence that prompted the United States to send an aircraft carrier, bombers and missile defense systems to the Persian Gulf region this month.

“We have deterred attacks based on our reposturing of assets, deterred attacks against American forces,” Mr. Shanahan said after briefing lawmakers. “Our biggest focus at this point is to prevent Iranian miscalculation. We do not want the situation to escalate. This is about deterrence, not about war.”


The meetings did not include John R. Bolton, the national security adviser who is the fiercest Iran hawk in President Trump’s administration. But lawmakers said Mr. Pompeo was strident in the meeting, outlining the history of Iran’s regional aggression.

Gen. Joseph F. Dunford Jr., the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, told lawmakers that he had sent a message through an intermediary to Qassim Suleimani, the commander of Iran’s paramilitary forces, that he would be held accountable for any attacks on the United States, according to officials who were in the briefings and described them on condition of anonymity.


In a radio interview, Mr. Pompeo said that the United States had not determined who was responsible for sabotage attacks last week on oil tankers in the Middle East, but that “it seems like it’s quite possible that Iran was behind” them.

He also defended the administration’s steps against Iran and said the United States would continue to “work to deter Iran from misbehavior in the region.”

“We’ve made clear that we will not allow Iran to hide behind its proxy forces, but that if American interests are attacked, whether by Iran directly or through its proxy forces, we will respond in an appropriate way against Iran,” Mr. Pompeo told Hugh Hewitt, a conservative radio host.

Like many things in Washington, reactions to the administration’s handling of the tensions with Iran have fallen along a sharp partisan divide.

Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina, told reporters that the briefing made clear that “this was an escalation of the threat stream we have not seen before.”

“I’m convinced the threat stream that they picked up is real and the actions of the Iranians went to a new level,” said Mr. Graham, who sits on the Foreign Relations Committee. “This is a defining moment for the Trump administration, the Trump administration needs to let them know that the maximum pressure campaign will continue.”

Senator Marco Rubio, Republican of Florida, who sits on both the Intelligence and Foreign Relations Committees, praised the administration for sending a strong deterrent message in the face of what he described as “consistent, credible threats of imminent action.”

“It’s a very simple equation. If Iran doesn’t attack, there won’t be any problem. If Iran attacks, the president is going to go ‘dracarys’ on them,” Mr. Rubio said, invoking a “Game of Thrones” reference. “He’s going to respond.”

Democrats who viewed the same intelligence reports came away with a far more skeptical view and suggested that Iran has been pushed into its recent moves.

“I believe there is a certain level of escalation of both sides that could become a self-fulfilling prophecy,” said Representative Ruben Gallego, Democrat of Arizona. “The feedback loop tells us they’re escalating for war, but they could just be escalating because we’re escalating.”

Democrats also criticized Mr. Trump’s handling of the crisis, unconvinced the administration had a clear strategy to push Iran to the bargaining table. They raised questions about whether the administration had adequate back-channel communications to prevent an accidental military escalation.

“It’s clear to me after this briefing that the administration’s approach to Iran is not working,” said Senator Christopher S. Murphy, Democrat of Connecticut, adding that the American pressure campaign “has pushed Iran further away from the negotiating table.”

After the briefing, Mr. Pompeo was asked if the administration would speak directly to Iran. “There are plenty of ways that we can have a communication channel,” he responded.

In Tehran, Iranian leaders showed no hint of softening. In a speech reported Tuesday by state-run news media, President Hassan Rouhani dismissed any suggestion of direct talks with the United States. “Today’s circumstances are not suitable for negotiations at all, as our conditions today are those of resistance and fortitude,” Mr. Rouhani said.

The Iraqi prime minister, Adel Abdul Mahdi, said his country wanted to reduce tensions between Iran and the United States.

Mr. Mahdi said that while Baghdad would not play the role of mediator, Iraq was conveying messages between the United States and Iran and would “send delegations to Tehran and Washington to contain the crisis and put an end to the military escalation.”

The Iraqi government, which has ties to both Iran and the United States, has made clear it fears being caught in the middle and having the two countries fight on its soil.

A rocket struck near the United States Embassy in Baghdad on Sunday evening. The United States played down the significance of the attack, no one claimed responsibility and there were no injuries or damage, but it was a reminder of the fragility of the situation.

Reporting was contributed by Alissa J. Rubin from Baghdad, Eric Schmitt from Tampa. Fla., Edward Wong and Rick Gladstone from New York and Adam Goldman from Washington.

A version of this article appears in print on May 22, 2019, on Page A10 of the New York edition with the headline: Trump Administration Officials Try to Convince Congress of Threat From Tehran. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe
 

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Iran’s Allies Target Its Rivals, Risking Conflict


MIDDLE EAST

Iran’s Allies Target Its Rivals, Risking Conflict
Militia attacks force the U.S. to respond, though Trump and Tehran say they don’t want war
Houthi rebels in Yemen, who are allied with Iran, are battling Tehran’s rival Saudi Arabia. Houthi fighters are shown here in Hodeidah province on May 11. ABDULJABBAR ZEYAD/REUTERS
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By
Sune Engel Rasmussen in Beirut and
Isabel Coles in Baghdad
May 24, 2019 5:32 a.m. ET
As the Trump administration pressures Iran to cut support for what the U.S. sees as its armed proxies in the Middle East, some of those same militias are lashing out at Tehran’s adversaries, risking an escalation the Islamic Republic says it doesn’t want.

From the Persian Gulf to Baghdad’s Green Zone and Saudi oil facilities, Iran’s rivals have been targeted in attacks in the past two weeks. The strikes have caused limited damage and no casualties. Iran has denied involvement in all of them.

The attacks show how groups allied with Iran can heighten a conflict by provoking its rivals. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo told Iraqi officials in Baghdad this month that the U.S. would strike inside Iran to retaliate for any attack on its installations or personnel in Iraq, according to people briefed on official discussions. Baghdad relayed the message to pro-Iran militias in Iraq, these people said.

A State Department official declined to discuss Mr. Pompeo’s comments to Iraqi officials. The official pointed to Mr. Pompeo’s remarks after the meetings in Baghdad, in which Mr. Pompeo said: “My visit, the actions taken by the Department of Defense, the messages that we’ve sent to the Iranians, I hope put us in a position where we can deter it and the Iranians will think twice about attacking American interests.”

Most of the groups agreed to stand down. But one hard-line pro-Iran faction, Kataib Hizbollah, says it is poised to strike back if the U.S. attacks Iranian interests, regardless of Baghdad’s position.

“We will take the lead in defending the Islamic Republic of Iran—not only in Iraq but on a regional level,” the group’s spokesman, Jaafar al-Hosseini, said in an interview.


Since the 1979 Revolution, Tehran has funded and trained militias around the Middle East as a deterrent against attacks on Iranian soil and to counter what it sees as hostile powers. Iran’s allies include Shiite groups such as the Lebanese Hezbollah movement—the strongest and closest of Iran’s nonstate partners—various Iraqi militias, and the Palestinian groups Hamas and Islamic Jihad.

A recent addition is the Houthi insurgency that is fighting a U.S.-backed Arab coalition in Yemen. The Houthis are less ideologically aligned with Tehran, and Iran denies arming the group. International observers, such as the United Nations, disagree, saying Iran has trained them and provided weapons.

Experts believe Iran’s nonstate allies currently add up to some 200,000 fighters.

“Iran will use its proxies for escalation, but a very gradual and measured one,” said Fabian Hinz, an independent Middle East security analyst. “Iran is doing what it has been doing for years, but slightly upping the ante to gain leverage.”

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Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, left, met Iraqi President Barham Salih in Baghdad on May 7. Mr. Pompeo has told Iraqi officials that the U.S. would strike in Iran if it is attacked by Iranian proxies in Iraq, according to people briefed on official discussions. PHOTO: PRESIDENCY OF THE REPUBLIC OF IRAQ/EPA/SHUTTERSTOCK
The recent attacks against Tehran’s adversaries followed two U.S. moves to isolate Iran. In April, the U.S. designated the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization, and in May ended waivers that allowed some customers to buy oil from Iran.

One role of these groups has been to wage asymmetric warfare against Iran’s powerful rivals. But a rogue outfit that hits U.S. interests or its allies’ threatens to ignite a tinderbox of regional tensions.

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While President Trump has told administration officials that he doesn’t want a war with Iran, on Monday he tweeted: “If Iran wants to fight, that will be the official end of Iran.”

Iran says it doesn’t want a war and appears to be taking some steps to avoid one. After the U.S. said it was sending an aircraft carrier and a bomber task force to the Persian Gulf this month, Iran began to deploy missiles on a boat in the Gulf—and then removed them, according to U.S. officials.

Acting Defense Secretary Pat Shanahan said on Tuesday that the prospect of an Iranian attack on U.S. forces had been “put on hold” due to American deterrence.

At the heart of the confrontation is the economic pain Iran is feeling from U.S. sanctions.

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Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in Tehran on Wednesday. Iran has supported militia groups across the Mideast since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. PHOTO: OFFICE OF THE IRANIAN SUPREME LEADER/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Citing what it describes as Iran’s malign influence in the region, the Trump administration last year pulled out of a multination nuclear deal that provided sanctions relief and was meant to clear the way for foreign investment to Iran. U.S. officials have since vowed to slash Iran’s oil exports to zero.

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Members of an Iran-backed Iraqi paramilitary group took part in a ceremony in Baghdad in June after some of its fighters were killed in air raids.PHOTO: AHMAD AL-RUBAYE/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE/GETTY IMAGES
Iran’s crude-oil exports, the lifeblood of its economy, fell to about 963,000 barrels a day in April, from 1.5 million in March, according to TankerTrackers.com, which gathers information about oil shipments.

Iran’s oil sales have fallen below what it regards as a red line, said Mohanad Hage Ali, a fellow at the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. To push back, Tehran is trying to show that competing oil powers aren’t safe in the region, said Mr. Hage Ali, who believes Iran most likely ordered recent strikes including a Houthi drone attack this month that damaged a Saudi pipeline.

The recent incidents have shown how Iran’s allies can inflame a tense situation if Iran is seen to be behind attacks.

On May 13, unknown assailants targeted with explosives four vessels in the Gulf of Oman, including ships from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Norway. Mr. Pompeo said it was “quite possible” that Iran was behind the attacks.

The most immediate threat to U.S. military and diplomatic personnel is in Iraq, where Iranian and American troops have operated in near proximity for years, fighting a common enemy, Islamic State.

On Sunday, a rocket landed near the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad. Iraqi security forces traced its origin to an area of the capital where Shiite militias, some of which aligned are with Iran, have a strong presence.

Pro-Iran militias, which often threaten to attack the U.S., distanced themselves from the incident. The rocket may have been fired by an undisciplined element within one of the militias, said Moeen al-Kadhimi, a leader in the Iran-aligned Badr militia.

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Supporters of Hezbollah in Beirut hold pictures of former Iranian leader Ayatollah Khomeini and current leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei during a February rally marking the 40th anniversary of the Islamic Revolution. PHOTO: MARWAN NAAMANI/ZUMA PRESS
Mr. Kadhimi said Iran and its allies in Iraq agreed it wasn’t currently in their interest to take any action that might further inflame the situation.

But Mr. Hosseini, spokesman for Kataib Hizbollah, said his group was prepared to respond. Before the partial evacuation of the U.S. Embassy this month, in response to U.S. rhetoric and surveillance of the group, Kataib Hizbollah took offensive and defensive measures including the wider deployment of its fighters, Mr. Hosseini said.

In Yemen, Houthi rebels are already fighting Iran’s rivals, in a war with a Western-backed coalition led by Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E.

This week the Houthis said they used drones three times in as many days to target an airport in Najran, Saudi Arabia, that houses a military base with a weapons depot. The rebels said they were targeting aircraft that had participated in Saudi bombing raids in Yemen. The kingdom acknowledged two of the attacks, saying it shot down one drone, but gave no details of damage or casualties.

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On Monday, the kingdom said it had intercepted two Houthi missiles in Mecca province. The Houthis denied targeting Mecca.

The rebel group is now able to fly armed drones over 900 miles at a speed of 150 miles an hour, according to U.N. investigators. Its use of drones and missiles increases the risk of a wider conflict because of the difficulty of staging remote attacks, Mr. Hinz said. They “might just land in the desert; or destroy an airport terminal killing dozens,” he said.

Iran’s strongest ally, Hezbollah in Lebanon, hasn’t reacted to recent U.S. pressure, despite saying it also feels the squeeze of sanctions. Short of an attack on Lebanese soil, Hezbollah isn’t likely to escalate a regional conflict, experts and members of the group say.

“Hezbollah is a Lebanese political party with Lebanese leaders who will decide what’s right for us,” said a senior Hezbollah official. “We are masters among our allies, not slaves.”

—Nazih Osseiran in Beirut and Ghassan Adnan in Baghdad contributed to this article.

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Berniewood Hogan

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Read an article, they said if war happens the draft will mostly be brought back. :francis:
against the country that invented drafting teenage guys and making them walk into landmine fields :francis:


that's a truly horrific thing, but i'm just saying, a thousand years from now, people will kinda look at that like we look at genghis khan today :hubie:
 

the cac mamba

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Read an article, they said if war happens the draft will mostly be brought back. :francis:
i dont see a successful draft happening in the social media age :yeshrug: these kids arent gonna go to iran to fight on a lie

and frankly between all the fukkin soldiers we have in the national guard and around the world, they should have enough already :scusthov:
 
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