It’s rather extraordinary that he has made it virtually unacceptable to care that for the first time in history a woman is poised to win the Democratic nomination and seems likely to become the president; we are told it should not matter to us that representation of the half of this country that has been excluded from the presidency for the entirety of its existence is within reach. It’s not supposed to matter that a woman who has been a leader for women’s rights and reproductive rights around the globe, and who has broken so much ground for women, an actual feminist, could possibly be our next president. Suddenly, as the country is on the verge of possibly, finally, at long last, nominating and even electing a woman, the most important thing ever is that we ignore that possibility and instead once again put a white guy in the office because he correctly observes the obvious — that we have a broken campaign finance system and we have income inequality?
Really? The first woman who might win the presidency is “unqualified” because she participates, perforce, like President Obama and everyone else, even Sanders himself (admittedly to a lesser degree), in the broken system? (Never mind that her campaign addresses the same issues and never mind that Sanders’ plan is not viable.) It is amazing that this simple diagnosis makes Sanders a truth-teller whose nomination is groundbreaking,
while electing a woman for the first time in history is somehow not.
Unprepared and lazy:
The Daily News interview revealed that there is essentially nothing behind or beyond Sanders’ stump speech. He hasn’t thought deeply about the solutions that are the centerpieces of his campaign. He promises a quick fix of free college or universal health care without any admission of the colossal undertaking and work that would be required to craft these laws much less get them enacted. He offers simplistic, one-size-fits-all solutions to complex problems (break up the banks!) without considering the consequences. Questioned, all he could do was revert to the set lines he says in every speech and at every debate. The interview also revealed that hadn’t thought about a number of critical foreign policy issues.
And it is clear from his record, and from his statements about Castro and the Sandinistas, that Sanders really has a 1930s-style pure-lefty mindset that does not even acknowledge the violence that characterized these regimes. Instead, he still sees them as the voice of the people in a noble pursuit to throw off the yoke of dictatorship and U.S. intervention. This critique, which he made on the air in the 1980s, was something he was
offered the chance to disavow during the Univision Democratic debate — but he doubled down on his praise of Castro, disavowed nothing, and then lost Florida big. I think it is fine to critique the Cold War ideology that led the U.S. to many disastrous interventions in Latin America, as Sanders does — but he does so without any acknowledgement of the extraordinarily negative consequences of the movements he praises. And to me that signals a blinkered myopia about revolutionary movements in general and an attachment to socialist ideology that is rather shocking in its naiveté. (His comments will render him unelectable in the general. Go back and watch the
video and imagine the commercial the GOP will make.)
So, while I opposed the Iraq war and believe Hillary’s support for the resolution for authorizing force in October 2002 was a political calculation that she should not have made, and I agree with Sanders’ vote against it, that single vote doesn’t make up for his lack of inquiry into or real engagement with the complexity and breadth of foreign policy issues that a commander in chief ought to have.
And more problematically, I don’t trust Sanders’ judgment, even though he got it right that one time on Iraq. Sanders has spent his life taking positions from a deeply ideological point of view, and has done so without having to ever really consider or answer for the consequences of his positions, because he’s so often been in the minority taking a protester’s position. But a commander in chief and a president has to govern in real time and from a place of reality, not ideology, and must balance many competing interests and constituencies — two things Sanders not only has never done, but has demonstrated he has no interest in doing. It is not clear he even knows how.
Temperament. Sanders is crotchety and becomes red-faced, testy and sarcastic when criticized or questioned. He doesn’t seem to have an “inside voice.” In town halls when he is asked questions he doesn’t really listen to the question or hear it; he responds with his set answers. He
brushed his wife away from a lectern (“don’t stand there”) on the air; he has repeatedly (as
Chuck Todd has noticed) thrown his surrogates under the bus; he blames his failure to release his taxes on his wife; the negative consequences of the crime bill he derides have nothing to do with him. This is a pattern. There seems to always be some reason why someone other than him is responsible for anything that happens. He does not “own” things, and doesn’t allow himself to be held accountable. Worse, he is all about the blame and too little about an effective solution. I will use two examples, but there are many.
First, his desire to break up the banks seems to be
focused on punishment, and his opposition to TARP was also focused on punishment. To use his language, I think that opposition to TARP “disqualified” him from the presidency. In 2008, the Bush administration and Congress had a choice about whether to let financial institutions collapse or bail them out. Sanders was willing to let those institutions, consequences be damned, fail, because bad actors had made bad choices. He preferred to have an extended worldwide global depression — the certain outcome without TARP — rather than let those actors avoid some form of retribution for their role in the collapse.
The analogy I’ve made in the past is to the Titanic. If the captain’s negligence causes the ship to hit the iceberg, and people start drowning, do you not rescue the ship in order to teach the captain a lesson? No. You have to rescue the ship, even if it means the captain’s life is saved, even if he deserves to drown, because there remain innocents on board with him and we must save them and the ship. TARP was the rescue for the sinking ship of our economy. If the banks had been allowed to fail, not only would we have seen a devastating run on all banks, but the trillions of dollars in wealth that were wiped out as it was would have been magnified multi-fold and there would have been a total economic collapse across the entire globe for many years. (And TARP, though a risk, was successful; a global depression was averted and taxpayers were repaid.) But
Sanders opposed it. And then, even worse, he went on to
oppose the auto bailout too
because of his opposition to TARP.
I really think these two votes are indefensible. They demonstrate an inability to see the bigger picture, a commitment to
ideology over realism and pragmatic decisions, and a politics of punishment rather than of solution: punish the banks, they are evil, you cannot reward their behavior — no matter the real consequences of making the more difficult choice of bailing them out even though it encouraged moral hazard to do so. But the good of the country required supporting TARP. Yet Sanders stood aside when his own proposals got no support, and voted against the bailout because they did not deserve to be saved. And because he was in the minority, the disastrous consequences of doing nothing were never realized, and he never had to answer for the ultimate irresponsibility of his position.
Second example is Flint, MI. Hillary’s response was to speak with
the mayor of Flint, ask how she could
help and then arrange a visit and meet with people and
send helpand develop a
policy platform for addressing lead in water. (Her proposal was released on April 14 and Kevin Drum of Mother Jones is in heaven, as he has been beating the drum about the dangers of lead’s
possible causal relation to crime for many years.) Sanders’ response was to
demand Gov. Snyder’s resignation. Another feel-good, I’m better than you, punish the bums reaction that, without more, does nothing to improve the situation in Flint or anywhere else. That’s Sanders — self-righteous moralizing and retribution, but no workable solution. And while I think Snyder should resign, the situation is, surprise, more complicated than that and it’s not all about Snyder.
What all this says to me is that Sanders is unwilling, unable, and temperamentally unsuited to actually govern or to engage in responsible executive decision-making. This is not a person who listens and learns or works with others or compromises; this is a person whose entire life has been dedicated to making points from a place of ideological purity. Those points are important, and I agree with most of them, but they are not a basis for electing him to the presidency.
The rhetoric both he and his campaign use also illustrates these issues of temperament that I find so off-putting. Attacking the character rather than the argument of people who disagree with you is inappropriate in a president. Dismissing as irrelevant or ignorant entire swaths of voters who don’t agree with you is inappropriate in a president. The Sanders campaign has done both, and it has done so repeatedly and deliberately.
As discussed, character assassination of Clinton has virtually subsumed his campaign. The campaign routinely dismisses his inability to connect with people of color, or
people in the South, or voters over 35, by writing them off as the “
Deep South” or not young, or “African American.” This sends a message, picked up on by supporters, that voters in
red states don’t matter; that “old” voters are “establishment”; and that African-Americans are
too uniformed to know that Bernie is
best for them or Hillary is
pandering to them (not racist! really!). They dismiss women’s support of Hillary as based on their
“uterus” (not sexist! really!). This language demeans voters, denies them their agency, and suggests once again that there cannot be a
legitimate reason for voting for Hillary — it can’t be that she is the
better candidate, or c
onnects more with diverse constituencies, or that there are problems with Sanders. The only problem is with the electorate, too stupid or too establishment-oriented to realize that Sanders is the answer.