The Banking Industry is getting DE-REGULATED with the assist of 16 Dem Senators

ExodusNirvana

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So, 51 REPUBLICANS and 13/49 Democrats, but your title focuses on the Democrats :camby:
This.

This is why shyt like this is so dangerous. Deregulation is a position of the GOPs platform, not the Dems. The fact that there are some dems in certain areas of the country signing on to this shyt does not mean that this is the position of the Democratic Party.

This both sides equivalency shyt needs to end...it's an erroneous position to have, and all it does is show that you're out of your depth when it comes to understanding politics in this country.

fukking Joe Manchin is a senator from West Virginia for crying out loud..why are some of you so fukking clueless?
 

Pressure

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I've lived in Virginia, Louisiana, and Maryland. I've seen one state turn red to purple to blue. Another go completely off the rails and worked with local organizers to elect more progressive officials where I lived. In which they elected pretty conservative Dem but that's the deep South.

Don't question me like I'm some bright eyed child. It's worthless. All I've been advocating for is a fair primary and exchange of ideas at each level of government. Then the people of those states can decide how they want to be lead.

But people always want to put the kibosh on that process and just tell you who the choices need to be. Hence we get stories and a back and forth like this.
Fair enough. But it seems in this case and many others here I see people want it both ways. Just because someone doesn't agree with you or supports what you view as bad policy doesn't mean they are suffering from subversion. Dems seem to struggle with this.
 

FAH1223

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Opinion | Why Are Democrats Helping Trump Dismantle Dodd-Frank?
merlin_54983048_45c1572a-99da-43d8-aa3f-dad2aded67b7-articleLarge.jpg

The collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008 led to the passage of the Dodd-Frank Act, which imposed new regulations on financial firms. A bill being considered in Senate would roll back many of those regulations.CreditPeter Foley/European Pressphoto Agency


By Mike Konczal
March 6, 2018

This week, the Senate begins debate on the Economic Growth, Regulatory Relief and Consumer Protection Act, known as the Crapo bill for its primary sponsor, Mike Crapo, a Republican senator from Idaho. The bill would roll back or eliminate parts of the Dodd-Frank Act.

The Crapo bill is unusual in today’s hyperpartisan environment: It has over 10 Democratic co-sponsors, many from swing or red states and up for re-election this year — like Joe Donnelly of Indiana, Heidi Heitkamp of North Dakota, Jon Tester of Montana and Claire McCaskill of Missouri — making its passage possible.

Why would some Democrats provide support for a rollback of Dodd-Frank? Proponents argue that this bill provides much needed relief for community banks and credit unions, which, these proponents claim, face enormous difficulties. They also say that it doesn’t endanger financial reforms aimed against the largest and most dangerous players.

But that view is mistaken: This bill goes far beyond the health of community banks and credit unions. It removes protections for 25 of the top 38 banks; weakens regulations on the biggest players and encourages them to manipulate regulations for their benefit; and saps consumer protections.

What do Democrats get in return? Nothing substantive that they should want. They could demand better funding for regulators or an appointment to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau — or a vote on gun control.

The Crapo proposal would relax important regulations for major banks. Though often described as medium in size, these banks are still very large. Dodd-Frank introduces regulations for banks with assets of more than $50 billion, regulations that increase in strictness as the banks get larger and riskier. This ensures that they have enough cash to survive a crisis, quality equity to manage problems and a living-will plan for how they can fail without bringing down the economy.

This regulation affects the 38 largest banks. By comparison, the more than 5,000 community banks in our country generally have $1 billion dollars in assets or less.

The bill would move that line up to $250 billion. This would exempt 25 of the largest banks, which in total account for $3.5 trillion, or 16 percent of total banking assets. Authors of the bill argue that the regulators could still enforce tighter rules on some of these banks. But history tells us they won’t until it is too late.

The costs could be severe, with regulators less prepared to deal with the next financial crisis. The failure of Countrywide (around $200 billion in size) in 2008 caused panic and problems in the mortgage market. The Trump administration recently admitted that it needed the regulations in Dodd-Frank to handle the failure of financial firms and that its alternative of a new bankruptcy chapter works only with these heightened rules that will be rolled back for these 25 banks.

Other changes make life much easier for the largest players and encourage regulatory shenanigans. Dodd-Frank introduced more “stress tests” — fire-drill-like exercises that ensure the banks can handle a major downturn. The Crapo bill reduces their frequency for all the major players’ internal tests, from Citigroup to JPMorgan Chase on down.

The Crapo bill will introduce a one-word change from “may” to “shall” that will pave the way for the biggest, most politically connected financial firms to argue that regulations should be tailored to be weaker for themselves, creating a race-to-the-bottom dynamic in what has been, so far, fair rules written for all banks to follow together. It allows community banks to violate the Volcker Rule, introduced in Dodd-Frank to prevent banks from engaging in hedge-fund-like gambling with their own funds.

Foreign banks that pose major risks, such as the Trump-friendly Deutsche Bank, will see their United States subsidiaries deregulated with the bill. It attacks the supplemental leverage ratio — an essential reform that provides a clear, straightforward funding rule to ensure banks are stable — by watering it down for two of the largest eight banks. Reporting shows other large banks like Citigroup and JPMorgan Chase are fighting to expand this further. This starts the rule down a path of not being informative or useful for regulators and capital markets. This is why the Congressional Budget Office not only assumes that it is 50 percent likely these megabanks will abuse this loophole, but also that this bill increases the chance and cost of a financial crisis overall. Given the sheer opportunity to abuse porous rules introduced by the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, it is overkill to give finance even more rules to abuse for its own profit.

Moderate Democrats could fight for a narrower bill that would benefit small banks — with the understanding that community banks aren’t actually suffering. According to the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, community banks had $6 billion in profits in the fall of 2017, a rise of 9.4 percent over the previous year. Furthermore, since Dodd-Frank, several waves of deregulation bills for small banks have already passed.

Communities must have banks that can meet their needs. By rolling back requirements for medium-size banks, the Crapo proposal will accelerate mergers and consolidations rather than postpone them. This could cause even fewer community banks and more concentration in the long run. If we are concerned about a top-heavy financial sector, the way to handle that is with breaking up the banks and structural reforms for the biggest players, not by removing basic rules at the bottom.

This bill also hurts consumers. It removes protections on mobile homes and appraisal requirements in rural areas, while getting rid of the requirement that smaller banks prove that borrowers can repay subprime loans they make and keep on their own books. All of these read as if they were written to appease a specific lobbying group, rather than out of a concern for consumer security.

The most serious consumer protection rollback involves banks reporting on the mortgages they offer. The Crapo bill will exempt banks that make fewer than 500 mortgages — which includes nearly 85 percent of banks — from reporting important mortgage data. This data is used to ensure that discriminatory or other abusive practices aren’t happening. This exposes minority communities and rural areas, voters Democrats need to win over to gain viability, to increased predation.


This exemption also prevents the government from being able to analyze and counter discrimination where it happens. Given the real threat that the Trump administration has been to the collection of reliable data needed to carry out government functions, it is absurd for Democrats to willingly help Mr. Trump and his Republican allies here.

Instead of signing a bill that is well targeted to community banks or strengthens other parts of Dodd-Frank, Democrats got an agreement that consumers can freeze their credit scores once a year. Consumers are going to need that with the abuses President Trump is allowing to happen, now with moderate Democratic support. The Democrats promised a better economic “deal” than Mr. Trump. Those supporting this bill instead show that they can’t make any deal at all.

So, 51 REPUBLICANS and 13/49 Democrats, but your title focuses on the Democrats :camby:

The Republicans wouldn't have 60 votes if it wasn't for the Dems.


This.

This is why shyt like this is so dangerous. Deregulation is a position of the GOPs platform, not the Dems. The fact that there are some dems in certain areas of the country signing on to this shyt does not mean that this is the position of the Democratic Party.

This both sides equivalency shyt needs to end...it's an erroneous position to have, and all it does is show that you're out of your depth when it comes to understanding politics in this country.

fukking Joe Manchin is a senator from West Virginia for crying out loud..why are some of you so fukking clueless?

They didn't vote for the tax law. Its obvious what's going on behind the scenes when it comes to banking sector. And it is incredibly short-sighted policy.
 

King Static X

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I'm not surprised with any of them. All of them are CANCELLED. The Democratic Party NEEDS to get rid of these moderates and conservatives from the party. We've had enough of these "Third Way" and "Big Tent" philosophies...fukk ALL OF THAT.

The Democratic Party needs to become America's equivalent to the UK's Labour Party.
 

FAH1223

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I'm not surprised with any of them. All of them are CANCELLED. The Democratic Party NEEDS to get rid of these moderates and conservatives from the party. We've had enough of these "Third Way" and "Big Tent" philosophies...fukk ALL OF THAT.

The Democratic Party needs to become America's equivalent to the UK's Labour Party.
1*XRZrvXD8jJ1wpEDIHg9RaQ.jpeg

I call it like I see it on the #BankLobbyistAct
Saying Democrats are helping to roll back rules on big banks doesn’t make me the most popular kid on the team. But Massachusetts didn’t send me here to fight for big banks. The people of Massachusetts sent me here to fight for them.
I ran for the United States Senate because I wanted to protect working families from another financial crisis.

I spent most of my adult life studying how America’s middle class was getting squeezed by rising costs and stagnant wages. The 2008 financial crisis was a punch to the gut for a lot of those families — and a lot of them are still struggling to recover years later. I never dreamed of running for office. But when I realized that running for the Senate from Massachusetts was my best chance to try to help middle-class families and prevent another crisis from ever happening again, I ran.

Since I’ve come to the Senate, I’ve worked to reduce the risk of another crisis by pushing for stricter oversight and more accountability for the biggest banks. I’ve introduced bipartisan legislation to break up the biggest banks. I’ve pressed federal regulators to impose accountability on companies like Wells Fargo that break the law and cheat their customers — and they’ve done it. I’ve led a bipartisan effort to stop the Federal Reserve from re-creating the kind of backdoor bailout of big banks that happened in 2008.

I’ve also worked with my colleagues to try to tailor the rules for community banks and credit unions, institutions that didn’t cause the 2008 crash. In 2015, I introduced a bill with each of my Democratic colleagues on the Banking Committee that loosened the rules on banks and credit unions with under $10 billion in assets — true community institutions — while also creating new consumer protections for servicemembers. I fought alongside my colleagues to pass that bill, and I’d do it again. But that proposal didn’t have enough goodies for Wall Street — so it went nowhere.

This week, the Senate began advancing a bill that reduces oversight of some of the biggest banks in the country. The independent Congressional Budget Office says the bill will increase the risk of future bailouts. It’s a dangerous proposal. Senate Republicans voted unanimously for it — but the bill wouldn’t be on track to becoming the law without the support of more than a dozen Senate Democrats.

That’s just the truth. But since I called out some of my Democratic colleagues for their support, I’ve been taking heat from fellow Democrats. I get it — no one likes to be criticized, let alone by someone on their team. And let’s be totally clear: I agree with my Democratic colleagues a heck of a lot more than I agree with my Republican ones.

But there’s a long history in Washington of members of both parties teaming up to deregulate banks — followed soon after by a financial crisis. It happened in the early 1980s when there was bipartisan support for deregulating savings and loans associations — and the S&L crisis hit a few years later. It happened in 1999 and 2000 with the repeal of Glass-Steagall and the passage of a bill to reduce oversight of derivatives — and a devastating financial crisis built on giant megabanks and risky derivatives hit within a decade. And now, with help from some Democrats, it’s on track to happen again.

Saying that doesn’t make me the most popular kid on the team. But that’s not why I ran for the Senate. The people of Massachusetts didn’t send me here to fight for big banks. They sent me here to fight for them. And so long as I am privileged to hold this job, that’s exactly what I’m going to do.
 

ZoeGod

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When the Second Great Depression happens we know who to thank for it. :mjgrin:
 
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