The Original Yvette Carnell and Antonio Moore: Callie House and I.H. D$ckerson

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My Face Is Black Is True: Callie House and the Struggle for Ex-Slave Reparations
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Callie House was the leader of one of the earliest organizations to demand reparations. Her group began in the late 19th Century and carried over until it fell apart in 1918.

Callie Guy was born a slave in 1861 near Nashville, Tenn. At 22, she married William House and the couple had five children while living in Nashville. In 1891, House happened across a pamphlet, “The Freedmen’s Pension Bill,” which examined the idea of former slaves receiving payment for forced enslavement.

Alongside Isiah dikkerson, House charted the National Ex-Slave Mutual Relief, Bounty, and Pension Association in 1898. The pair toured mostly Black churches in the South, as they were was the only places they could effectively organize without white meddling. The Federal Post Office claimed the association and others like it was “swindling” money out of people and making false promises of pensions and the like. dikkerson was convicted of fraud but the ruling was overturned.

After dikkerson’s death, House assumed the mantle of leadership in 1909 and faced harassment, ridicule in newspapers and skeptics fueled the paranoia over the demands of the association. At one point, the group boasted 300,000 members, although these numbers have never been officially confirmed.

In 1916, the Post Office went after the association claiming they received money using so-called fraudulent circulars that offered false homes and promises. House was jailed in Jefferson City and eventually the group lost momentum with her imprisonment, ending in 1918. A decade later, House died in Nashville at the age of 67.

In 2015, Vanderbilt University opened the Callie House Center for the Study of Global Black Cultures and Politics.
 

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It's many similarities between Yvette and Mrs. House.

--- it was a grassroots movement.
--- she went through massive smear campaigns.
--- they used the reparations "shaming" tactics we see many non-ADOS and whites use.

She was eventually jailed based off a lie to stop the movement.

Dr. Berry tells how the Justice Department, persuaded by the postmaster general, banned the activities of Callie House's town organizers, violated her constitutional rights to assembly and to petition Congress, and falsely accused her of mail fraud; the federal officials had the post office open the mail of almost all African-Americans, denying delivery on the smallest pretext.

Berry shows how African-American newspapers, most of which preached meekness toward whites, systematically ignored or derided Mrs. House's movement, which was essentially a poor person's movement.

Despite being denied mail service and support from the African-American establishment of the day, Mrs. House's Ex-Slave Association flourished until she was imprisoned by the Justice Department for violating the postal laws of the United States; suddenly deprived of her spirit, leadership and ferocity, the first national grassroots African-American movement fell apart. Callie House, so long forgotten that her grave has been lost, emerges as a courageous pioneering activist, a forerunner of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. My Face Is Black Is True is a fascinating book of original scholarship that reclaims a magnificent heroine.​
 

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Callie House, born Callie Guy in slaveholding Rutherford County, Tennessee in 1861, is still relatively unknown, despite the book about her life.

My Face Is Black Is True: Callie House and the Struggle for Ex-Slave Reparations by Mary Frances Berry. But House, a laundress operating out of Nashville in the 1890s, is an important figure in the reparations movement.

In 1894, House, along with Isaiah dikkerson, who had worked with white political activist William Vaughn around reparations in Omaha, Nebraska, organized the National Ex-Slave Mutual Relief, Bounty, and Pension Association. Open to all, the Ex-Slave Pension Association, working nationally and locally, filled the void of the Freedmen’s Bureau, providing burial services as well as care for the sick and disabled to its membership in addition to advocating for legislation for ex-slave pensions.

Because of her success, House became a target. In 1899, the U.S. Post Office, emboldened by the Comstock Act of 1873, issued a fraud order against House and the Ex-Slave Pension Association. Continued federal intimidation forced House to step down as assistant secretary of the Ex-Slave Pension Association in 1902 but did not stop her from organizing more local chapters throughout the South. The wind left her sail, however, when Alabama Congressman Edmund Petus’s reparations legislation failed in 1903.

Pressing on, however, House worked with attorney Cornelius Jones and sued the Treasury Department for just over $68 million in cotton taxes tied to slave labor in Texas, but the case they filed in 1915 was ultimately dismissed. In 1916, House and other Ex-Slave Pension Association officers were indicted for allegedly using the postal service to defraud ex-slaves by promising that pensions and reparations were forthcoming. Convicted by an all-white, all-male jury, House was sentenced to a year and one day which she served in a Missouri penitentiary from November 1917 to August 1918, obtaining an early release for good behavior. Returning to Nashville as a laundress, House died ten years later, but her pioneering and early contributions to the reparations movement should not be forgotten.

4 Amazing Black Women They Don’t Tell You About in School – Alternet.org
 

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Callie House | Tennessee Encyclopedia

Born in 1861 into slaveholding Rutherford County, Callie Guy, later known as Callie House, was a pioneering African American political activist who campaigned for slave reparations in the burgeoning Jim Crow-era American South. In her youth, Callie House lived with her widowed mother, sister, and her sister’s husband, Charlie House. In 1883, she married William House, a possible relation to her sister’s husband, and together they had five children. For an occupation, House took in laundry from other African Americans and from white patrons to support her family. In the mid-1890s, possibly spurred by greater economic opportunities and wider kinship networks, Callie House moved her family to south Nashville.

In south Nashville, various pro-reparations movements, advertised in pamphlets circulated throughout the local African American community, intrigued House. Inspired, House teamed with Isaiah dikkerson to organize the National Ex-Slave Mutual Relief, Bounty, and Pension Association in 1894. Before moving to Nashville, dikkerson worked as a political activist for William Vaughan, a white newspaper editor of the Omaha, Nebraska, Daily Democrat, who sought reparations for African Americans as a way to supply the South with much needed capital. Dissatisfied with the paternalistic mission of Vaughn’s organization, Callie House and Isaiah dikkerson traveled extensively throughout southern and border states gathering support for the new organization that would provide relief and services on a local level while agitating for reparations on a national level. In 1898, Tennessee laws chartered the Ex-Slave Pension Association that House and dikkerson started. This organization, unique among other assistance organizations, was open to everyone regardless of religious affiliation, financial standing, or color, and functioned on both a local and national level.

On a local level, the National Ex-Slave Mutual Relief, Bounty, and Pension Association functioned similarly to immigrant aid societies that emerged in urban areas in the early 1900s and existed throughout African American communities following the demise of the Freedman’s Bureau. Through the efforts of Callie House and other organizing agents, local chapters were established and funded through monthly dues to provide burial expenses for members and to care for those who were sick and disabled. In addition to the local goals of the organization, the Ex-Slave Pension Association was unique because of its national structure and goals.

Nationally, the Ex-Slave Pension Association held conventions, elected national officers, and worked for the passage of congressional legislation in support of ex-slave reparations. The national organization also provided traveling expenses to reparation lobbyists and local chapter organizers. Additionally, it corresponded with local chapters, which responded by paying national dues to further the goal of a reparation bill that would provide monetary compensation of ex-slaves for their labor in the antebellum American South.

However, Callie House and her organization faced opposition from both African American leaders and government officials. The passage of segregation laws throughout the South fostered this antagonistic climate. African American leaders such as Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois largely ignored the reparations movement, focusing their energy on promoting education and defending equal treatment for African Americans within a white supremacist culture. White southerners viewed the reparations movement with suspicion; they saw Callie House’s organizing efforts as confusing and misleading to African Americans. From the white perspective, there was no chance of Congress passing reparation legislation; so whites assumed that the organizing efforts of House and dikkerson were defrauding African Americans of their hard-earned money.

In response from supposed complaints from white constituents, the U.S. Pensions Bureau, the governmental agency that supervised the dispersion of money to Union veterans, started covert surveillance on Callie House and the association. The Comstock Act of 1873 and its later revisions gave the U.S. Post Office wide powers to deem any piece of mail fraudulent and deny the use of mail to persons engaged in fraud or perceived fraud. In 1899, Callie House received notice that the Post Office had issued a fraud order against her and her organization, ostensibly because they were, according to postal authorities, soliciting money under false pretenses.

Continued federal hostility led House to step down from her post as assistant secretary of the Ex-Slave Pension Association in 1902. She continued to organize local chapters throughout the South, but after the failure of Alabama Congressman Edmund Petus’s reparations legislation in 1903, the reparations movement in Congress lost momentum and support eroded. Facing the prospect of stalled legislation, Callie House enlisted the aid of attorney Cornelius Jones to sue the Treasury Department for $68,073,388.99 in cotton taxes traced to slave labor in Texas. In 1915, they filed the suit in district court and, although the litigation raised the profile of the slave reparations issue, the District of Columbia Court of Appeals dismissed the suit, citing governmental immunity from litigation.

In 1916 Postmaster General A. S. Burleson sought an indictment against Callie House. On May 10, 1916, Nashville District Attorney Lee Douglass filed indictments against House and other officers of the National Ex-Slave Mutual Relief, Bounty, and Pension Association charging that they had obtained money from ex-slaves by fraudulent circulars proclaiming that pensions and reparations were forthcoming.

The district attorney’s evidence was flimsy. None of the victims of the supposed fraud were named, and the literature in question stated only that the monies paid to the national organization would be used to promote the passage of legislation for slave reparations. Additionally, Callie House still resided in the same home in South Nashville that she had originally moved to from Rutherford County, undermining the allegation that Callie House personally profited from her work with the association. Although the evidence was weak, an all-male, white jury convicted Callie House on the charge of mail fraud, resulting in a sentence of a year and one day. She served her sentence in the Jefferson City, Missouri, penitentiary from November 1917 to August 1, 1918, earning early release for good behavior. Following her release from prison, she resumed her work as a laundress in her local south Nashville community.

While the national component of House’s organization dissolved with criminal charges against it, other individuals and organizations continued House’s efforts to secure reparations and assistance for African Americans throughout the twentieth century. Callie House’s grassroots organizing, in the midst of a white supremacist culture, foreshadowed the rise of other African American groups and individuals, making her a pioneer within the African American community. Callie House died on June 6, 1928, and is buried in the old Mt. Ararat cemetery in Nashville in an unidentified grave.
 

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Callie House and the Struggle for Reparations - Institute of the Black World 21st Century

Callie House and the Struggle for Reparations

Under President Barack Obama, the concept of affirmative action has fallen flat. Those who thought their fortunes would be better under a Black president are advised to support a role model such as Callie House. On the other end of the continuum, Callie House was a pioneering African-American political activist who sought to gain reparations for Blacks.

Only a special kind of school will teach of House. Born into bondage in 1861 in Rutherford County, Tenn., as Callie Guy, she married William House in 1883. Hardly a mere “housewife”, House reached hundreds of thousands of people with a movement claiming government compensation for labor performed during slavery. In the years after emancipation, freedmen and women felt betrayed when they were given nothing to begin their lives in freedom.

In 1890, a White Southern Democrat, Walter Vaughan, produced a pamphlet that strongly recommended that ex-slaves be awarded pensions, similar to the pensions Civil War veterans were eligible to receive. House and a former employee of Vaughan’s, Isaiah dikkerson, liked the idea. Their vision was to organize poor Blacks throughout the South on how to get pensions due them. Both Blacks and Whites found favor with the concept of giving pensions to millions of ex-slaves because it would help improve the economic conditions of the South in general.

House and dikkerson formed The National Ex-Slave Relief, Bounty and Pension Association in 1884. The two traveled throughout the South promoting the idea of reparations or “pensions” for ex-slaves. They organized and formed local affiliate groups everywhere they went. The organization sustained itself through dues from its members. At local levels, The National Ex-Slave, Relief, Bounty and Pension Association functioned as a mutual aid organization providing burial expenses and support for the sick and infirmed. The organization was unique in its focus and political clout and accomplishments. They agitated for reparations but also supported candidates and paid lobbyists to push for legislation on behalf of African Americans.

Blacks caught up in contemporary American politics would do well to recognize, honor and celebrate America’s reparations movement. Active through the late 1880s, The National Ex-Slave, Relief, Bounty and Pension Association is an example of what today’s Blacks need. The Association was well organized. It held national and local conventions and spread the word about reparations to Blacks involved in grassroots organizations. Blacks readily took to the notion that the government should pay them for the years they labored without pay. But, the Association’s demise began when the federal Pension Bureau became alarmed by the excitement House’s movement was generating and persuaded the U.S. Postal Service to ban the National Ex-Slave Relief, Bounty and Pension Association from using the mail service.

The Association House and dikkerson started relied largely on the use of the post office to communicate and receive dues to fund itself and the national campaign. A logical and legal movement was doomed when the post office denied the Association use of the mail, claiming it was duping “ignorant” ex-slaves in a fraud scheme.

The reparations movement has always been opposed by the government. In 1916 four Blacks sued the U.S. Treasury for $68,073,388.99 in cotton taxes traced to Texas slave labor. The suit was subsequently dismissed on the grounds of government immunity.

As House and dikkerson raised the profile of the reparations movement the government countered with the Comstock Act of 1871, and claimed House was using the U.S. Postal Service to defraud the public. (A tactic they later used successfully against Marcus Garvey). In 1916 charges were brought against House claiming she defrauded ex-slaves. An all-White male jury found her guilty. dikkerson was also framed, but his conviction was later overturned. The organization dissolved when House and dikkerson became overwhelmed defending themselves against charges the government brought against them. Callie House served nine months of her one year and a day sentence and was released for good behavior.

House is a reminder and impetus to Black Americans to sign up for reparations legislation with the same fervor as they are for Obamacare.

William Reed is publisher of “Who’s Who in Black Corporate America” and available for projects via the BaileyGroup.org.
 

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Great find!

Each of us has an equivalent that was around back then, whether they was an ancestor related to you personally, or just an ancestor in general.

This also shows that things come full circle, and all this is fate and destiny. It’s our time, but this time I hope Yvette and Tone are able to get further than these two wonderful individuals were able to.

I pray for the both of them, because they are going through smear campaigns and I do believe there will be attempts to get them outta here. We have to protect them and our leaders.
 
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