THE PIVOT TO AFRICA 🌍 THREAD

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BUHARI WROTE THIS :whoo:



ft.com
Muhammadu Buhari: Africa needs more than US military aid to defeat terror
Muhammadu Buhari August 15 2021
5-6 minutes
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The author is president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

Though some believe the war on terror winds down with the US departure from Afghanistan, the threat it was supposed to address burns fiercely on my continent. Africa is the new frontline of global militancy. Yet few expect the outlay expended here to be as great as in Afghanistan. The fight against terrorism begun under the George W Bush administration was never truly global.

Despite rising attacks across Africa in the past decade, international assistance has not followed in step. Mozambique is merely the latest African state in danger from terrorism. The Sahel remains vulnerable to Boko Haram, 20 years after its formation, and other radical groups. Somalia is in its second decade fighting the equally extreme al-Shabaab. Many African nations are submerged under the weight of insurgency.

As Africans, we face our day of reckoning just as some sense the west is losing its will for the fight. It is true that some of our western allies are bruised by their Middle Eastern and Afghan experiences. Others face domestic pressures after the pandemic. Africa was not then, and even less now, their priority.

But the threat cannot be ignored. Covid-19 has been like oxygen for terrorism, allowing it to gain in strength while the world was preoccupied. Sooner or later, the reverberations will be felt beyond Africa. If extremist groups are able to hold territory, it can inspire disillusioned people living in the west to commit heinous acts of terror in their own countries. The self-proclaimed caliphate of Daesh in Iraq and Syria fulfilled that propaganda function, boosting transcontinental recruitment.

We must not complacently assume that military means alone can defeat the terrorists. If Afghanistan has taught us a lesson, it is that although sheer force can blunt terror, its removal can cause the threat to return.

The US and its western allies cannot be expected to underpin the security of others everywhere and indefinitely. Africa has enough soldiers of our own. However, more can be done to help with technical assistance, advanced weaponry, intelligence and ordinance. The US air strikes last month against al-Shabaab in Somalia — the first of the Biden administration — show what can and should be done.

But what Africa needs most from the US is a comprehensive partnership to close the disparity between our economic and demographic growth. Despite having six of the world’s top 10 fastest-growing economies, my continent’s gross domestic product gains are insufficient to provide for burgeoning populations. Since the start of the US-led war on terror in 2001, Africa’s population has nearly doubled. Every day, every month, this means more unemployed or underemployed entering the labour market, far outstripping economic expansion. A lack of hope is the chief recruiting sergeant for the continent’s new brand of terrorism.

What we need above all is investment in infrastructure. Transport and freight lines can spread opportunity across nations unequal in economic strength. In parts of Africa, a government’s grip on remote territories can be tenuous. Militant groups step into the void. Some even provide a form of governance, however perverse. These areas must be connected with their surroundings.

The recent attacks in Cabo Delgado in northern Mozambique illustrate the point. Their target was a vast natural gas project, part of an international investment which extracts wealth but provides few jobs for locals. This fuels grievances in a poverty-stricken province. It is a landing pad for the likes of Daesh.

That is why we in Nigeria have begun building a train line from the southern coast through the north-east to Niger, our neighbour. My government has been accused of wasting money, because trade between our two nations is minimal. But that is hardly a surprise, given that there is no trade infrastructure between us.

The train line will pay dividends in security, a prerequisite for economic growth
. Some will remember that Boko Haram originated in north-eastern Nigeria, along the border with Niger. First, they agitated against a lack of opportunity. Then they radicalised into the terrorists we face today.

The US already has schemes such as Power Africa, which invests in the continent’s essential energy infrastructure. However, more must be done. Ultimately, Africans need not swords but ploughshares to defeat terror. Yes, we require the technological and intelligence support that our armies do not possess. Yet the boots we need on the ground are those of constructors, not the military. Africa’s fight against terror is the world’s fight. We will defeat them one highway, one rail link — and one job — at a time.
 
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ColdSlither

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The thing is that the continent of Africa is rich with resources. The last thing a nation like the US wants is for these countries to be stable. I agree, they need more than boots on the ground. They need the financial assistance to develop infrastructure that will give people jobs. If people have jobs where they can support themselves or their family, that would help with fighting terrorists because they wouldn't have a pipeline of disillusioned people ready to sign up. A lot of this could have been nipped in the bud decades ago. I think the only thing that would help, is if these nations presented the argument as, "If you don't do it USA, then Russia or China will come in because they also want what we have."
 

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The thing is that the continent of Africa is rich with resources. The last thing a nation like the US wants is for these countries to be stable. I agree, they need more than boots on the ground. They need the financial assistance to develop infrastructure that will give people jobs. If people have jobs where they can support themselves or their family, that would help with fighting terrorists because they wouldn't have a pipeline of disillusioned people ready to sign up. A lot of this could have been nipped in the bud decades ago. I think the only thing that would help, is if these nations presented the argument as, "If you don't do it USA, then Russia or China will come in because they also want what we have."
America has an increasingly influential black diaspora. Don’t think USA will let that slip

the largest country in Africa just asked directly for American, not Russia or Chinese, investment.
 

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How the US plans to pivot from its “insulting” approach to Africa
Tolu Olasoji
6-7 minutes
Gregory Meeks, the new chairman of the United States House Foreign Affairs Committee, has promised that the Biden administration will seek to reverse US president Donald Trump’s “insulting” approach towards Africa.

Speaking at his first public event in his new role, a Feb. 1 panel discussion with African activists hosted by the US Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Meeks discussed how the administration hopes to engage with Africa going forward.

“We have an opportunity to redefine America’s foreign policy, and to do so in a way that makes it clear that America is back at the table. This is especially true in Africa,” Meeks said. Under the former administration, Africa was viewed “only through the prism of competition with China and Russia. [This] focus on great-power competition reduced Africa to a pawn in a great game. And frankly, this approach was insulting because it assumed that Africans lacked any agency for how they affected and were affected by foreign affairs.”

The Biden administration has already moved to undo some of Trump’s Africa policies, starting with overturning the so-called “Muslim ban,” an anti-immigration policy which affected Somalia, Nigeria, Sudan, Eritrea, Egypt, Libya and Tanzania. It has also reversed Trump’s imposition of the global gag rule, which limited aid to organizations that provide abortion support.

Trump’s diplomatic efforts across the continent were inconsistent and understaffed. Yet despite long-standing relations, prior dealings with the continent were hardly any better. Meeks has promised an all-encompassing, collaborative partnership with Africa.

“My goal is to reset the United States relationship with Africa by focusing on shared challenges, expanding people-to-people relationships and exchanges, building partnerships to increase youth participation in the digital workforce, and championing a more robust presence across the continent,” he said.

Judd Devermont, the head of Africa Program at CSIS, says Biden has built a dynamic team to deliver on these promises in addition to Meeks, the first Black legislator to lead the powerful foreign affairs committee. California Democrat Karen Bass, a long-time advocate for resetting US-Africa relations, was recently named chair of the Africa subcommittee. And newly-appointed UN ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield, who previously served as US assistant secretary of state to Africa under former president Barack Obama, is a known Africa ally.

“[Biden] has committed partners in the Senate and the House, including Chairman Meeks and Representative Karen Bass,” Devermont told Quartz Africa. “While he will have limited resources to devote to Africa, and will face constraints on his time, all indications suggest he is setting course for a more productive policy toward the region.”

The US’s internal struggles were laid bare in 2020, with the coronavirus pandemic, police brutality, and inequality tainting its democratic standing. Rather than taking an arrogant approach, Meeks said the US will intervene with humility as “it is also clear that we do not have all of the answers.”

Democracy globally is suffering from a decline, exacerbated by the pandemic. Currently, 8.4% of the world’s population live in full democracy while more than a third live under authoritarian rule, according to a report from The Economist Intelligence Unit. The US, once acclaimed as the standard bearer for democratic norms, is described as a “flawed democracy” in the report.

Meanwhile, the aftermath of the US election, from Trump’s questioning of the results, to the insurrection at the US Capitol, have undermined the US’s ability to provide an authoritative check on political crises. With a spate of elections taking place in Africa in 2021, expectations are high for the Biden administration to be an active arbiter on the continent.

On the call, Tsedale Lemma, an Ethiopian journalist, pressed Meeks for US action on a recent spate of violence in the country. A civil war in the northern Tigray region has reportedly claimed the lives of hundreds of civilians, displaced approximately 2.2 million people, and spurred several allegations of widespread human rights abuses. The conflict is worsening, risking further unrest in other parts of the Horn like Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia.

Meeks believes Biden’s strategic appointment of Thomas-Greenfield as the US ambassador at the UN and Congresswoman Bass’ actions will allow the US to proactively monitor and surface these issues. “Not only are we watching, we’re going to be organizing in a multilateral way to make sure that this kind of crisis of humanitarian significance stops,” Meeks said.

Meeks also asked about the chaotic Ugandan presidential election, which saw president Yoweri Museveni reelected for a sixth term on the back of allegations of human rights abuse, voter fraud, repression of democracy, and an internet and media blackout. In his response, he said ”the United States is rapidly approaching an inflection point” on the issue.

“US officials can’t turn a blind eye to what’s happening in Uganda and must redouble their efforts to support civil society in face of crackdowns and flawed elections,” Devermont said, reiterating how realistic and humble the US-Africa policy needs to be in the face of democratic challenges in the US and Africa.

‘That would signal a break with the past, and set the stage for a more constructive policy.”

Correction: An earlier version of this story misspelt Judd Devermont’s last name. This story has also been updated to clarify Meek’s response to the Uganda elections.
 

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economist.com
Mohamed Bazoum, Niger’s new president, asks for help
Aug 14th 2021
4-5 minutes
Jihadists on all sides
Mohamed Bazoum, Niger’s new president, asks for help

Niger is caught between Islamic State and Boko Haram

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SINCE A WAVE of anti-French protests broke out last year across parts of the Sahel, few leaders in the region have wanted to appear to be too chummy with the former colonial power, or for that matter any of the Western countries which have sent troops to help fight jihadists. Mohamed Bazoum, who was sworn in as president of Niger in April in its first democratic transfer of power, is less standoffish. He not only welcomes the French military presence in his country, but thinks other Western powers should be doing far more to help roll back the insurgent groups that have overrun parts of Mali and are causing havoc in Burkina Faso, Niger and Nigeria.

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“We are not satisfied with the international community as a whole in its way of fighting terrorism in this area,” Mr Bazoum (pictured) tells The Economist. “Against the same adversary, Daesh [Islamic State], in Iraq we saw a great international coalition. But today, we are not seeing the same mobilisation through the UN, in particular.” The region has enough troops, and these are being trained and advised by French and allied forces. But it lacks air power and the money to pay its men, which the UN could provide, he says.

Niger, which is ranked as the world’s poorest country across a range of measures by the UN Development Programme, is caught between two jihadist insurgencies. Along its western borders with Mali and Burkina Faso it faces groups such as the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) and Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), which is linked to al-Qaeda. The number of attacks mounted by these and allied groups will increase by a third this year, predicts the Africa Centre for Strategic Studies, part of America’s Department of Defence.

On current trends the conflict will lead to more than 2,400 deaths in the Sahel this year. In Niger’s east, meanwhile, the government is battling the jihadists of Boko Haram who attack across the border from safe areas in Nigeria or from the marshes of Lake Chad. Roughly 500,000 people are living in camps in Niger because of violence in the country or its neighbours.

Mr Bazoum’s response has been to host the headquarters of a French-led counter-terrorism operation, known as the Takuba Task Force, which will include commandos from nine European countries and will focus on training and advising local forces. This is meant to become the leading Western effort in the Sahel as France winds down its own counter-terrorism force, Operation Barkhane, which currently has about 5,000 troops deployed in the Sahel and has its headquarters in Chad. Yet improving Niger’s security will depend on whether its neighbours restore stability. “If Malian territory is at the mercy of terrorist groups, as is the case today...our situation will remain difficult,” he says.

Within Niger Mr Bazoum is not just relying on force. He hopes to deal with the discontent that leads some to join the insurgents. To win people over he is trying to provide services such as clinics, clean water and schools in remote villages, and to attract investment by curbing corruption. Investments in infrastructure and solar energy are aimed at boosting growth and output, particularly on farms. Mr Bazoum is also aiming to slow the world’s fastest rate of population growth by building boarding schools for girls, with the aim of keeping them in education until they are 18 years old. Currently, many leave school at 13 and are married within a year. By 18 many will already have two babies, he says, contributing to a “crazy” fertility rate of almost seven births per woman.

Improving governance and education will take time. Yet if Niger is left unaided, time may not be on its side. ■

This article appeared in the Middle East & Africa section of the print edition under the headline "Jihadists on all sides"
 

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foreignaffairs.com
Does West Africa Need a Single Currency?
By Eswar Prasad and Vera SongweAugust 18, 2021
10-13 minutes
Over a decade ago, the leaders of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a regional trade bloc of 15 countries with a total population of roughly 400 million, committed to establishing a monetary and currency union by the end of 2020. In other words, they agreed to renounce monetary sovereignty and adopt a common currency managed by a single central bank. Eliminating multiple currencies, they believed, would dismantle barriers to the flow of goods, money, and people and lay the foundations for greater prosperity. Ultimately, they hoped their regional monetary organization might blaze a trail to an Africa-wide currency union that could unite the continent and expand its influence on the world stage.

But 2020 has come and gone, and the ECOWAS currency union has yet to break ground. Despite the initial rush of enthusiasm around the project, the goal of a currency union has slipped further and further out of reach in recent years. Prior to the 2020 deadline, virtually no ECOWAS country had attained the economic benchmarks the group had established as preconditions for the union. And then came the COVID-19 pandemic, which wreaked economic carnage in West Africa, as it did in much of the world, and sent member states into economic survival mode.

Although the pandemic has set back the goal of a West African currency union, it has also highlighted the need for greater economic integration that could better insulate African countries from the whims of international financial markets. Had ECOWAS had a robust monetary union in 2020, its members might have been able to pool their resources to better protect their currencies and to negotiate more favorable terms with foreign creditors when global markets crashed in March and April, and investors raced toward the safety of the U.S. dollar.

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ECOWAS leaders have now set the more realistic goal of establishing a currency union by 2027, but the path there will not be easy. As the experience of the European Union and other currency zones has demonstrated, such projects necessitate difficult tradeoffs that have the potential to divide member states. West African leaders should heed the lessons of these monetary experiments and proceed toward a monetary union of their own with caution—and only once they have built sufficiently strong economic and institutional foundations.

AN UPHILL BATTLE
The ECOWAS currency union faced considerable challenges from the get-go, not least being the very different stages of development of the bloc’s member states. Six of its 15 members are middle-income states, with estimated annual incomes of at least $1,000 per capita. The other nine are low-income states, with per capita incomes falling below $600 in Liberia, Niger, and Sierra Leone. Countries at such divergent economic stages are unlikely to reach a consensus on short-term economic priorities even in the best of times, making it difficult to develop a uniform monetary policy for all of them.

Other economic disparities among ECOWAS states pose similar challenges to a regional currency zone. Nigeria, which is now the largest economy in Africa, accounts for about two-thirds of ECOWAS’s total GDP. By contrast, the bloc’s five smallest economies—Cape Verde, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, and Sierra Leone—together account for less than two percent of the group’s GDP. The disparity in population among these countries is only slightly less stark. Two-thirds of ECOWAS residents live in just three of its member countries: Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, and Nigeria. These discrepancies in size raise the possibility that large countries could dominate policymaking in a currency union, boxing out smaller member states that have little sway as it is.

The fate of the eurozone is a cautionary tale in moving hastily toward a single currency.
Variations in economic structure add to the challenge of designing a currency union for such a heterogeneous region. Many ECOWAS economies are not well diversified and rely heavily on the sale of raw materials and resources. The result is that commodity price fluctuations have very different effects across the region. Nigeria, for instance, is a major oil exporter, and the other ECOWAS members are net importers. So while an oil price increase might benefit Nigeria, it would likely hurt the rest of the region. GDP growth and inflation also vary widely across ECOWAS countries, adding to the difficulty of managing regional economic fluctuations under a uniform monetary policy.

Existing regional currency arrangements that would overlap with any potential ECOWAS currency zone present yet another challenge. Eight ECOWAS countries—Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Niger, Senegal, and Togo—are already members of a long-standing currency union: the West African Economic and Monetary Union, which in turn is part of the euro-pegged CFA franc zone. Another ECOWAS member, Cape Verde, also has a currency that is pegged to the euro. Although WAEMU countries have begun transitioning away from the euro and toward an independent currency, their economies need time to adapt to the loss of a credible external anchor before they adopt a new currency.

THINKING OUTSIDE THE BOX
Given the array of serious obstacles to an ECOWAS monetary union, West African leaders would do well to look to the successes and failures of other monetary and trade configurations for insight. The fate of the eurozone, for instance, is a cautionary tale in moving hastily toward a single currency. The union’s lack of mechanisms to effectively prevent macroeconomic imbalances, combined with low borrowing costs and the undisciplined budgetary policies of some member states, precipitated the eurozone debt crisis that began in 2009. Poor enforcement of rules meant to bring member states’ monetary policies in line with their commitments to the zone and the subsequently harsh castigation of countries in fiscal and economic distress have likewise fostered economic and political tensions among eurozone countries. These challenges suggest that the eurozone could be fortified by a broader economic union, including a banking union, a unified financial regulatory system, and harmonized institutions underpinning the functioning of labor and product markets. These are certainly long-term considerations for ECOWAS leaders but important ones on their path toward economic integration.

The eurozone does have one critical advantage: it is anchored by Germany and several other relatively wealthy and well-managed states, including Austria, France, and the Netherlands. These economies underpin the credibility of the zone, and their resources effectively provide insurance to other member states when the economic tide is ebbing. An ECOWAS currency union would presumably be anchored by Nigeria. But although Nigeria is wealthier than other countries in the region, it faces profound economic challenges, including dependence on volatile oil prices, high inflation, political instability, and weak public governance. A currency union anchored by an economically unreliable Nigeria would likely face credibility problems from the outset, defeating its very purpose.

If they want their currency union to last, ECOWAS leaders should consider starting small.
One alternative to a monetary union—or a steppingstone to one—that could spur growth and accelerate regional integration without the added political complications of a common currency can be found in Asia. The ten members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have established an extensive network of financial and trade arrangements but retained monetary policy autonomy. This has allowed them to foster economic integration and to speak with a more unified voice on important economic and geopolitical issues while avoiding any tensions that might arise from trying to coordinate their monetary and fiscal policies. Should they continue to pursue a currency zone, ECOWAS leaders might consider starting with similar small steps toward trade and financial integration as precursors to a more durable monetary union.

Some such efforts are already slowly underway. The African Continental Free Trade Area, which the African Union brokered in 2018 with the aim of creating the largest free-trade area in the world, promises to substantially reduce barriers to the free movement of commodities, goods, and services across the continent. It will also give Africa the opportunity to speak with a common voice on global trade policy issues in which it has a large stake. In addition, ECOWAS itself has moved to dismantle trade barriers among its member countries—by adopting a common external tariff, for instance. These initiatives have so far had only a limited impact, in part because of lingering disharmony between domestic and regional policies, but they represent important steps toward greater economic collaboration—and they do not preclude the possibility of an ECOWAS monetary union in the future.

Indeed, ECOWAS members could reap enormous rewards from a resilient and carefully crafted currency zone. Done right, such a zone could improve trade and investment flows in the region and shore up member states’ defenses against external shocks. With a strong central bank at its center, a currency union could also serve as an anchor for inflation expectations within the zone. It could impose discipline on fiscal policies, since states would face pressure from other members to avoid reckless government spending that could result in large government budget deficits. And a currency union could facilitate important labor and market reforms by forcing member states to find ways to respond to domestic and external shocks without looking to the exchange rate.

But setting up a currency union is no simple matter. Especially given the range of disparities among member states, the loss of an independent currency and monetary policy as an economic adjustment mechanism could lead to short-term economic pain in some member countries—necessitating initial wage reductions and fiscal belt tightening, for instance. ECOWAS countries should therefore focus on getting their own economic houses in order and putting in place institutional mechanisms to ensure widespread fiscal discipline and accountability before considering a currency union.

An ECOWAS currency zone promises considerable potential payoffs. But it also entails significant costs, operational challenges, and transitional risks that ECOWAS leaders must consider carefully before moving too quickly—or they risk making their currency union an economic straitjacket rather than a foundation for jobs, growth, and prosperity.
 

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Interesting thread. Seems like too much going on in Africa to even keep track :whoo:


I’ll just focus on South Africa :banderas:
 
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Afghanistan’s fall raises serious questions for African leaders reliant on Western military aid

Afghanistan’s fall raises serious questions for African leaders reliant on Western military aid

Analysis: The West’s panicked retreat from Kabul has implications for leaders of the world’s youngest continent

By Will Brown 31 August 2021 • 5:00pm
TELEMMGLPICT000268841850_trans_NvBQzQNjv4BqA7N2CxnJWnYI3tCbVBgu9T0aesusvN1TE7a0ddd_esI.jpeg

Taliban fighters in a vehicle patrol the streets of Kabul Credit: AFP
As the world watches the fall of Afghanistan in horror, African jihadists are looking with glee.


“We are winning,” said Iyad Ag Ghaly, the head of Nusrat-al-Islam, a powerful Al Qaeda umbrella group wreaking havoc across western Africa.


“God is great,” proclaimed the media arm of Al-Shabab, the terrorist group which has brought Somalia to its knees.

While there are huge differences between the regions, the West’s panicked retreat from Kabul and the collapse of Afghanistan have raised serious questions for the world’s youngest continent leaders.

Over the last decade, violent jihadist groups have expanded across Africa at an alarming rate, enticing thousands of disillusioned young men to their ranks with the promises of paradise, power and easy money.

Now countries with a combined population greater than Europe – Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Chad, Cameroon, Nigeria, Somalia, DR Congo and Mozambique – are all are struggling to fend off their own dizzyingly complex insurgent movements.

Often African jihadists claim some affiliation to groups like Al Qaeda and Isil in the Middle East. But this is almost always just a branding exercise – their fight is fundamentally a local one, born out of a quagmire of state decay, elite corruption and rampant foreign exploitation.

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The general response of African governments and their supporters – much like in Afghanistan – has been a heavily militarised one, overly reliant on Western support, special forces and training.

I’ve reported on many of these frontlines, and everywhere there is a common trend – an insipid stalemate, devastating the lives of millions and killing hundreds if not thousands of brave but underequipped young African soldiers.

What would happen if that support dries up suddenly? Will local forces be able to hold the line? Or will we see more Afghanistan-like collapses? Would, for example, the state-building project in Somalia – rotten-to-the-core with corruption and tribalism – hold up much longer than Ashraf Ghani’s government?

Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari recently issued a stark warning on the matter: “Though some believe the war on terror winds down with the US departure from Afghanistan, the threat it was supposed to address burns fiercely on my continent. Africa is the new frontline of global militancy.”


“As Africans, we face our day of reckoning just as some sense the West is losing its will for the fight.”


“We must not complacently assume that military means alone can defeat the terrorists. If Afghanistan has taught us a lesson, it is that although sheer force can blunt terror, its removal can cause the threat to return,” Mr Buhari warned.

At the same time, there are fears that a Taliban-led Afghanistan could provide safe haven for African jihadists to train and arm. The original Mauritanian and Algerian jihadist leaders who helped light the fire we see today in the Sahel were radicalised fighting alongside the Mujahideen. Some of Al-Shabab’s leaders also once trained in Afghanistan.

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There are also serious concerns about what will happen across the eastern coast of Africa if the Taliban begin to ramp up heroin production to balance the books. Huge quantities of Afghani heroin are smuggled through countries like Mozambique and Kenya on their way to Europe every year, with a growing African market for the drug.

The Sahel region, that vast expanse of arid land running along the southern edge of the Sahara, is perhaps the most worrying. Since 2013, some 4,500 French soldiers have been stuck there fighting against elusive insurgents, caught in what some critics have termed the Élysée’s very own ‘forever war’.

Because of mounting pressure at home and on the streets of Bamako and Ouagadougou, France finally announced that it would begin to draw down its forces in the region, promising to reduce the number of troops to between 2,500 and 3,000 by early next year.

It is easy for commentators to criticise France’s stale post-colonial role in the Sahel. But it is much harder to answer the other side question: what happens when the French finally leave?

I still remember the chilling view of one top Malian official who quietly told me that without France holding the line in the sand, his country would quickly turn into another Somalia or Afghanistan.
 
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