The Red Summer of 1919-The Race War you Never knew about...

cole phelps

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Not long after that, the sun began to rise, so the mob dispersed. The trouble was not yet over, though. Sheriff D.S. Meredith and Judge Bramlette spoke with Governor William P. Hobby by telephone to request military assistance. Hobby responded by placing the National Guard units in Dallas, Terrell, and Nacogdoches, on high alert, although he only sent eight Texas Rangers to Longview. The Texas Rangers were not going to arrive before Saturday morning on July 12, and Longview authorities expected more trouble on Friday night, so they spoke with Governor Hobby again, who decided on sending some dismounted National Guard soldiers to Longview. The soldiers were members of the 5th, 6th, and 7th Texas Cavalry Regiments, and numbered about 100 men altogether. They erected a large tent on the eastern side of the courthouse square to be used as a command post for the occupation.
 
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cole phelps

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Marion Bush
According to the East Texas Historical Journal, the soldiers might have been able to bring peace to Longview, had it not been for the killing of Marion Bush on Saturday, July 12. Marion Bush was a sixty-year-old African American who had worked with the local Kelly Plow Company for thirty years. He was also a friend of the Davis family, and because of this, Sheriff Meredith felt that he and his family were in danger of the white mobs roaming around the town. On the night of July 12, Sheriff Meredith and a man named Ike Killingsworth went to Bush's house - located on the west side of Court Street, one block south of the Texas and Pacific Railroad tracks - to offer him protection. After a few moments of discussion, Bush told the Sheriff that he would go with him, but asked him to wait so he could go back inside and retrieve his hat. When he returned, Bush was concealing a .45 caliber revolver. He then told the sheriff that he had changed his mind and that he was not going. Bush, without a doubt, remembered the lynching of Lemuel Walters. As he spoke, Bush aimed the revolver at Meredith and fired; then he fired at Killingsworth, missing both men. After that, Bush ran back inside his house and fired again at Meredith, who was trying to take cover underneath the house. A few moments later, Bush ran out the back door and headed west carrying his revolver and a rifle. Meredith opened fire on him as he fled, but the latter got away without injury.
Bush headed west along the railroad tracks, presumably to reach the African American lodge at Camp Switch, which was a train stop about ten miles from Longview. The lodge was known to have guns inside, so Bush probably thought he could find refuge there. After the shootout, Meredith telephoned a farmer named Jim Stephens, who lived about five miles west of Longview, at Willow Springs, and asked him to stop Bush. Sometime later that night, Stephens found Bush and ordered him to stop, but the latter ran into a cornfield. Stephens followed and eventually ended up killing Bush with shots to the chest and to the neck.
 
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cole phelps

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Aftermath

When local officials heard of Bush's death, they feared that a new wave of civil unrest would occur, so they telephoned Governor Hobby again, and had him send about 160 more soldiers and Texas Rangers. Hobby went even further, though, by placing Brigadier General Robert H. McDill in command of the soldiers and the rangers, and by declaring martial law. On Sunday, July 13, General McDill issued specific details of the martial law. He divided the town into two districts, giving command of one section to Colonel T.E. Barton, and the other to Colonel H.W. Peck. Colonel H.C. Smith was placed in command of the Texas Rangers. McDill ordered a 10:30 PM to 6:00 AM curfew in Longview, and prohibited groups of three or more people from gathering on the streets. He had the local telephone operators prohibit any long-distance calls, so that no one could request guns from neighboring towns, and he also ordered all citizens of Longview and Kilgore to surrender their weapons. The Longview courthouse was selected as the depository for the weapons. Furthermore, citizens were warned that their homes could be searched, and that the penalty for concealing firearms would be severe. An estimated 5,000 to 7,000 guns were eventually turned in at the courthouse, and they were placed in "scattered locations throughout the building."[1]

General McDill asked the town officials to organize a committee, consisting of local citizens, to work with and advise him and the other military personnel for the duration. It met on Monday, July 14, at Judge Bramlette's office and elected the attorney Ras Young chairman. The committee drafted a list of resolutions about their concerns. For example, they "expressed disapproval" of Jones' newspaper article, and the defense of his home. It also addressed the burning of African American property, and took steps to ensure that it would not happen again. Finally, the committee commended Governor Hobby for dispatching the National Guard and the Texas Rangers in a timely manner. Meanwhile, Captain William M. Hanson and his rangers conducted an investigation of the hostilities. After talking with locals, the rangers discovered the identity of the "ringleader," who told them the identity of sixteen others that had been involved in the first attack on Jones' house. All were arrested for attempted murder on July 14, but quickly released on $1,000 bonds. Further investigation the next day revealed the names of nine other suspects, who were arrested for arson and released on $1,000 bonds.[1]
After finishing his investigation of the white mobs, Captain Hanson began questioning various blacks. Ultimately, Hanson arrested twenty-one black men for assault and attempted murder, all of whom were temporarily placed in the county jail. Neither Jones nor Davis were among those arrested, both having fled town. News of the arrests and information about the presence of National Guard troops and Texas Rangers was delivered to the public by General McDill, who organized an assembly at the courthouse. Brigadier General Jake F. Wolters spoke to the citizens. According to the East Texas Historical Journal, the assembly had a "sobering effect" on the crowd, and there were no other violent acts reported during the remainder of the occupation. There were a couple of fires, but neither were thought to be the work of arsonists.[1]


Eventually, McDill asked the citizens' committee when they thought he should ask Governor Hobby to end the martial law. The committee said that McDill should wait until all of the blacks who had been arrested were sent out of the county, because there were rumors that certain whites would kill some of the blacks as soon as their guns were returned. As a result, the twenty-one blacks were taken to Austin by the National Guard. Travis County officials wanted to have the prisoners incarcerated at the Texas State Penitentiary, at state expense, but that would have been illegal, so the prisoners were sperarated and placed in various county jails, at Gregg County's expense, until they could be tried in a Gregg County court. However, none of the blacks or any of the whites were ever tried. The East Texas Historical Journal says that Gregg County officials must have thought it would help defuse the tension further, and they also wanted to spare Longview years of negative publicity about the riot, which would have been more adundant, had there been a series of long trials afterward, like there was after the Elaine Race Riot. The martial law was lifted at noon on Friday, July 18, and citizens were allowed to begin picking up their guns on the next day.[1][2]
 

Stuntone

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Our Black race has suffered so much and have experienced so much physical and long lasting mental anguish here on Earth, there shouldn't be any Blacks in hell. There's no Savoir or God for our people. No one has helped us. So there shouldn't be a Hell for our peoples.These CACs have ruined us forever. They've destroyed our history, our love for self. They've made our women lose respect and trust in us. We weren't evil enough to face these devils. So we lost. We shouldve went out like the Indians. Live Free or Die fighting for it. What did we integrate with these monsters?


This is sickening. It's hard for me to read this, I actually can't read it. I use to be so deep into the Black struggle that it sent me into a depression at the same time I was on the verge of revenge. I promise if wouldve gotten a little deeper, I'd be famous. You have to be careful how much of this you take it. Especially if you have that Rebellious field slave blood in you.



 
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cole phelps

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Omaha Race Riot of 1919
The Omaha Race Riot occurred in Omaha, Nebraska, on September 28–29, 1919. The race riot resulted in the brutal lynching of Will Brown, a black worker; the death of two white men; the attempted hanging of the mayor Edward Parsons Smith; and a public rampage by thousands of whites who set fire to the Douglas County Courthouse in downtown Omaha. It followed more than 20 race riots that occurred in major industrial cities of the United States during the Red Summer of 1919.

Background



Three weeks before the riot, federal investigators had noted that "a clash was imminent owing to ill-feeling between white and black workers in the stockyards." The number of blacks in Omaha doubled during the decade 1910–1920, as they were recruited to work in the meatpacking industry, and competing workers noticed. In 1910 Omaha had the third largest black population among the new western cities that had become destinations following Reconstruction. By 1920 the black population more than doubled to more than 10,000, second only to Los Angeles with nearly 16,000. It was ahead of San Francisco and Oakland, Topeka and Denver.
The major meatpacking plants hired blacks as strikebreakers in 1917. Hostility against them was high among working class whites in the city, who were mostly Catholic immigrants of southern and eastern Europe, or descendants of immigrants, and who lived chiefly in South Omaha. Ethnic Irish were among the largest and earliest group of immigrants and they established their own power base in the city by this time. Several years earlier following the death of an Irish policeman, ethnic Irish led a mob in an attack on Greektown, which drove the Greek community from Omaha.
With the moralistic administration of first-term reform mayor Edward Parsons Smith, the city's criminal establishment led by Tom Dennison created a formidable challenge in cahoots with the Omaha Business Men's Association. Smith trudged through his reform agenda with little support from the Omaha City Council or the city's labor unions. Along with several strikes throughout the previous year, on September 11 two detectives with the Omaha Police Department's "morals squad" shot and killed an African American bellhop.
The violence associated with the lynching of Will Brown was triggered by reports in local media that sensationalized the alleged rape of 19-year-old Agnes Loebeck on September 25, 1919. The following day the police arrested 41-year-old Will Brown as a suspect.Loebeck identified Brown as her rapist, although later reports by the Omaha Police Department and the United States Army stated that she had not made a positive identification. There was an unsuccessful attempt to lynch Brown on the day of his arrest.
The Omaha Bee publicized the incident as one of a series of alleged attacks on white women by black men. The newspaper had carried a series of sensational articles alleging many incidents of black outrages. The Bee was controlled by a political machine opposed to the newly elected reform administration of Mayor Edward Smith. It highlighted alleged incidents of "black criminality" to embarrass the new administration.
 
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cole phelps

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Beginning

At about 2:00 p.m. on Sunday, September 28, 1919, a large group of white youths gathered near the Bancroft School in South Omaha and began a march to the Douglas County Courthouse, where Brown was being held. The march was intercepted by John T. Dunn, chief of the Omaha Detective Bureau, and his subordinates. Dunn attempted to disperse the crowd, but they ignored his warning and marched on. Thirty police officers were guarding the court house when the marchers arrived. By 4:00 p.m., the crowd had grown much larger. Members of the crowd bantered with the officers until the police were convinced that the crowd posed no serious threat. A report to that effect was made to the central police station, and the captain in charge sent fifty reserve officers home for the day.

Riot

By 5:00 p.m., a mob of about 4,000 whites had crowded into the street on the south side of the Douglas County Courthouse. They began to assault the police officers, pushing one through a pane of glass in a door and attacking two others who had wielded clubs at the mob. At 5:15 p.m., officers deployed fire hoses to dispel the crowd, but they responded with a shower of bricks and sticks. Nearly every window on the south side of the courthouse was broken. The crowd stormed the lower doors of the courthouse, and the Police inside discharged their weapons down an elevator shaft in an attempt to frighten them, but this further incited the mob. They again rushed the police who were standing guard outside the building, broke through their lines, and entered the courthouse through a broken basement door.
It was at this moment that Marshal Eberstein, chief of police, arrived. He asked leaders of the mob to give him a chance to talk to the crowd. He mounted to one of the window sills. Beside him was a recognized chief of the mob. At the request of its leader, the crowd stilled its clamor for a few minutes. Chief Eberstein tried to tell the mob that its mission would best be served by letting justice take its course. The crowd refused to listen. Its members howled so that the chief's voice did not carry more than a few feet. Eberstein ceased his attempt to talk and entered the besieged building.
By 6 p.m., throngs swarmed about the court house on all sides. The crowd wrestled revolvers, badges and caps from policemen. They chased and beat every colored person who ventured into the vicinity. White men who attempted to rescue innocent blacks from unmerited punishment were subjected to physical abuse. The police had lost control of the crowd.
By 7 p.m., most of the policemen had withdrawn to the interior of the court house. There, they joined forces with Michael Clark, sheriff of Douglas County, who had summoned his deputies to the building with the hope of preventing the capture of Brown. The policemen and sheriffs formed their line of last resistance on the fourth floor of the court house.
The police were not successful in their efforts. Before 8 p.m., they discovered that the crowd had set the courthouse building on fire. Its leaders had tapped a nearby gasoline filling station and saturated the lower floors with the flammable liquid.

Escalation
Shots were fired as the mob pillaged hardware stores in the business district and entered pawnshops, seeking firearms. Police records showed that more than 1,000 revolvers and shotguns were stolen that night. The mob shot at any policeman; seven officers received gunshot wounds, although none of the wounds were serious.
Louis Young, 16 years old, was fatally shot in the stomach while leading a gang up to the fourth floor of the building. Witnesses said the youth was the most intrepid of the mob's leaders.
Pandemonium reigned outside the building. At Seventeenth and Douglas Streets, one block from the court house, James Hiykel, a 34-year-old businessman, was shot and killed.
The crowd continued to strike the courthouse with bullets and rocks. Spectators were shot. Participants inflicted minor wounds upon themselves. Women were thrown to the ground and trampled. Blacks were dragged from streetcars and beaten.

The first hanging

About 11 o'clock, when the frenzy was at its height, Mayor Edward Smith came out of the east door of the courthouse into Seventeenth Street. He had been in the burning building for hours. As he emerged from the doorway, a shot rang out.
"He shot me. Mayor Smith shot me," a young man in the uniform of a United States soldier yelled. The crowd surged toward the mayor. He fought them. One man hit the mayor on the head with a baseball bat. Another slipped the noose of a rope around his neck. The crowd started to drag him away.
"If you must hang somebody, then let it be me," the mayor said.
The mob dragged the mayor into Harney Street. A woman reached out and tore the noose from his neck. Men in the mob replaced it. Spectators wrestled the mayor from his captors and placed him in a police automobile. The throng overturned the car and grabbed him again. Once more, the rope encircled the mayor's neck. He was carried to Sixteenth and Harney Streets. There he was hanged from the metal arm of a traffic signal tower.
Mayor Smith was suspended in the air when State Agent Ben Danbaum drove a high-powered automobile into the throng right to the base of the signal tower. In the car with Danbaum were City Detectives Al Anderson, Charles Van Deusen and Lloyd Toland. They grasped the mayor and Russell Norgard untied the noose. The detectives brought the mayor to Ford Hospital. There he lingered between life and death for several days, finally recovering. "They shall not get him. Mob rule will not prevail in Omaha," the mayor kept muttering during his delirium.
 

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Siege of the Court House

Meanwhile the plight of the police in the court house had become desperate. The fire had licked its way to the third floor. The officers faced the prospect of roasting to death. Appeals for help to the crowd below brought only bullets and curses. The mob frustrated all attempts to raise ladders to the imprisoned police. "Bring Brown with you and you can come down," somebody in the crowd shouted.
On the second floor of the building, three policemen and a newspaper reporter were imprisoned in a safety vault, whose thick metal door the mob had shut. The four men hacked their way out through the court house wall. The mob shot at them as they squirmed out of the stifling vault.
The gases of formaldehyde added to the terrors of the men imprisoned within the flaming building. Several jars of the powerful chemical had burst on the stairway. Its deadly fumes mounted to the upper floors. Two policemen were overcome. Their companions could do nothing to alleviate their sufferings.
Sheriff Clark led his prisoners (there were 121 of them) to the roof. Will Brown, for whom the mob was howling, became hysterical. Blacks, fellow prisoners of the hunted man, tried to throw him off the roof. Deputy Sheriffs Hoye and McDonald foiled the attempt.
Sheriff Clark ordered that female prisoners be taken from the building due to their distress. They ran down the burning staircases clad only in prison pajamas. Some of them fainted on the way. Members of the mob escorted them through the smoke and flames. Black women as well as white women were helped to safety.
The mob poured more gasoline into the building. They cut every line of hose that firemen laid from nearby hydrants. The flames were rapidly lapping their way upward. It seemed like certain cremation for the prisoners and their protectors.


Then three slips of paper were thrown from the fourth floor on the west side of the building. On one piece was scrawled: "The judge says he will give up Negro Brown. He is in dungeon. There are 100 white prisoners on the roof. Save them."
Another note read: "Come to the fourth floor of the building and we will hand the negro over to you."
The mob in the street shrieked its delight at the last message. Boys and young men placed firemen's ladders against the building. They mounted to the second story. One man had a heavy coil of new rope on his back. Another had a shotgun.
Two or three minutes after the unidentified athletes had climbed to the fourth floor, a mighty shout and a fusillade of shots were heard from the south side of the building.
Will Brown had been captured. A few minutes more and his lifeless body was hanging from a telephone post at Eighteenth and Harney Streets. Hundreds of revolvers and shotguns were fired at the corpse as it dangled in mid-air. Then, the rope was cut. Brown's body was tied to the rear end of an automobile. It was dragged through the streets to Seventeenth and Dodge Streets, four blocks away. The oil from red lanterns used as danger signals for street repairs was poured on the corpse. It was burned. Members of the mob hauled the charred remains through the business district for several hours.
Sheriff Clark said that Negro prisoners hurled Brown into the hands of the mob as its leaders approached the stairway leading to the county jail. Clark also reported that Brown moaned "I am innocent, I never did it; my God, I am innocent," as he was surrendered to the mob.[6] Newspapers have quoted alleged leaders of the mob as saying that Brown was shoved at them through a blinding smoke by persons whom they could not see.

Aftermath



Infantry deployed to calm the riot.

The lawlessness continued for several hours after Brown had been lynched. The police patrol was burned. The police emergency automobile was burned. Three times, the mob went to the city jail. The third time its leaders announced that they were going to burn it. Soldiers arrived before they could carry out their threat.
The riot lasted until 3 a.m., on the morning of September 29. At that hour, federal troops, under command of Colonel John E. Morris of the Twentieth Infantry, arrived from Fort Omaha and Fort Crook. Troops manning machine guns were placed in the heart of Omaha's business district; in North Omaha, the center of the black community, to protect citizens there; and in South Omaha, to prevent more mobs from forming. Major General Leonard Wood, commander of the Central Department, came the next day to Omaha by order of Secretary of War Newton D. Baker. Peace was enforced by 1,600 soldiers.
Martial law was not formally proclaimed in Omaha, but it was effectively enacted throughout the city. By the request of City Commissioner W.G. Ure, who was acting mayor, Wood took over control over the police department, too.
On October 1, 1919 Brown was laid to rest in Omaha's Potters Field. The interment log listed only one word next to his name: "Lynched".[9]

Causes and consequences

The Omaha Riot was denounced throughout the country. The arrest and prosecution of mob leaders was widely demanded. Police and military authorities apprehended 100 of the participants on charges ranging from murder to arson and held them for trial. The Army presence in Omaha was the largest in response to any of the race riots with 70 officers and 1,222 enlisted men. By early October, the emergency had passed and the Army contingent declined to two regiments by the middle of the month.
The district court ordered a grand jury to convene and investigate the riots and a grand jury was impaneled on October 8 . After a six week session, the grand jury issued a report that criticized the Smith administration for ineffective leadership and police incompetence. Army witnesses testified to their belief that more prompt police action could have controlled the riot.[10] 120 indictments were handed down for involvement in the riots.
Of the 120 persons indicted for involvement in the riot most were never successfully prosecuted, and all were eventually released after serving no term of imprisonment
 

cole phelps

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IWW
General Wood initially blamed the disturbance on the Industrial Workers of the World, as part of the Red Scare then prevalent in the US. This interpretation was not supported by the evidence, however. Wood's actions in rebuilding the police force, investigating the riot and arresting the ring leaders showed a greater appreciation of the situation. Omaha police identified another 300 people wanted for questioning, including Loebeck's brother who had disappeared.

Newspapers

Reverend Charles E. Cobbey, the pastor of the First Christian Church, blamed the Omaha Bee for inflaming the situation. He was reported to have said, "It is the belief of many that the entire responsibility for the outrage can be placed at the feet of a few men and one Omaha paper." The inflammatory yellow journalism of the Bee is credited by several historians for stoking emotions for the riot.[12]
The US Army was critical of the Omaha police for their failing to disperse the crowd before it grew too large. Other critics believe the Army was slow to respond to the crisis; this was a result of communications problems, including the crisis caused by President Woodrow Wilson's having been incapacitated by a stroke. (Requests by the governor for National Guard assistance had to go to the President's office.)

Tom Dennison

Many within Omaha saw the riot within the context of a Conspiracy Theory, the direct result of alleged conspiracy directed by Omaha political and criminal boss Tom Dennison. A turncoat from Dennison's machine said he had heard Boss Dennison boasting that some of the assailants were white Dennison operatives disguised in blackface. This was corroborated by police reports that one white attacker was still wearing the make-up when apprehended. As in many other Dennison-related cases, no one was ever found guilty for their participation in the riot.[13] A later grand jury trial corroborated this claim, stating "Several reported assaults on white women had actually been perpetrated by whites in blackface." They went on to report that the riot was planned and begun by "the vice element of the city." The riot "was not a casual affair; it was premeditated and planned by those secret and invisible forces that today are fighting you and the men who represent good government."[10]

Racial tension

The event was part of an ongoing racial tension in Omaha in the early 20th century. There were attacks on Greek immigrants in 1909. The migration of many blacks into the city pursuing economic opportunities sparked racial tension in the state. After the Omaha riot, the Ku Klux Klan became established in 1921. Another racial riot took place in North Platte, Nebraska in 1929. There were also violent strikes in the Omaha meat packing industry in 1917 and 1921 and concerns about immigrants from Eastern Europe.
After the riot, the city of Omaha, previously a city in which ethnicities and races were mixed in many neighborhoods, became more segregated. Redlining and restrictive covenants began to be used in new neighborhoods, with African Americans restricted to owning property where they already lived in greatest number, in North Omaha. Although segregation has not been legally enforced for generations, a majority of Omaha's black population still lives in North Omaha.
 

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Chronology of the red summer
Based on Haynes' report as summarized in the New York Times except as noted.[1]
DatePlace
May 10Charleston, South Carolina
May 10Sylvester, Georgia
May 29Putnam County, Georgia
May 31Monticello, Mississippi
June 13New London, Connecticut
June 13Memphis, Tennessee
June 27Annapolis, Maryland
June 27Macon, Mississippi
July 3Bisbee, Arizona
July 5Scranton, Pennsylvania
July 6Dublin, Georgia
July 7Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
July 8Coatesville, Pennsylvania
July 9Tuscaloosa, Alabama
July 10[26]Longview, Texas
July 11Baltimore, Maryland
July 15Port Arthur, Texas
DatePlace
July 19Washington, D.C.
July 21Norfolk, Virginia
July 23New Orleans, Louisiana
July 23Darby, Pennsylvania
July 26Hobson City, Alabama
July 27Chicago, Illinois
July 28Newberry, South Carolina
July 31Bloomington, Illinois
July 31Syracuse, New York
July 31Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
August 4Hattiesburg, Mississippi
August 6Texarkana, Texas
August 21New York City, New York
August 29Ocmulgee, Georgia
August 30Knoxville, Tennessee
September 28Omaha, Nebraska
October 1Elaine, Arkansas
 

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The Elaine Race Riot, also called the Elaine Massacre, occurred September 30, 1919 in the town of Elaine in Phillips County, Arkansas, in the Arkansas Delta, where sharecropping by African American farmers was prevalent on plantations of white landowners. Approximately 100 African-American farmers, led by Robert L. Hill, the founder of the Progressive Farmers and Household Union of America, met at a church in Hoop Spur in Phillips County, nearby Elaine. The purpose was "to obtain better payments for their cotton crops from the white plantation owners who dominated the area during the Jim Crow era. Black sharecroppers were often exploited in their efforts to collect payment for their cotton crops."

[1]
Background
About 100 black sharecroppers had gathered at the Hoop Spur Church in Elaine, Arkansas, before dawn on October 1, 1919. They wanted to be able to obtain better prices for their products from the white planters who controlled the land. They considered joining the Progressive Farmers and Household Union of America. They also were discussing filing a class action lawsuit against their landlords. Union members advocating for the union brought armed guards to protect the meeting.
O.A. Rogers, Jr. was President of the Arkansas Baptist College in Little Rock. In the summer 1960 issue of the Arkansas Historical Quarterly, he wrote:
“Sharecropping The African Americans had been having trouble in getting settlements for the cotton they raised on land owned by whites. Both the Negroes and the white owners were to share the profits when the crop was sold for the year. Between the time of planting and selling, the sharecroppers took up food, clothing, and necessities at excessive prices from the plantation store owned by the planter.”
It was not a practice of the landowners and the sharecroppers to go together to a market to dispose of the cotton when it was ready. Rather, the landowner sold the crop whenever and however he saw fit. At the time of settlement, neither an itemized statement of accounts owed nor an accounting of the money received for cotton and seed, was, in most cases, given or shown the Negroes. It was an unwritten law of the cotton country that they could not quit and leave a plantation until their debts were paid. Many Negroes in Phillips County whose cotton was sold in October, 1918, did not get a settlement before July of the following year.
According to the Historical Text Archive on Revolution in the Land: Southern Agriculture in the 20th Century in a section called [2] "The Changing Face of Sharecropping and Tenancy":
“Late in the evening of September 30, 1919, black sharecroppers were holding a union meeting in a church in Hoop Spur outside of Elaine, Arkansas. Tensions were high and they had posted guards at the door. When two deputized white men and a black trustee pulled into view, shots rang out. Who fired first is still debated, likely unknowable, and perhaps not that important. What is important is what transpired afterwards. One of the white men was killed, the other wounded. The black trustee raced back to Helena, the county seat of Phillips County, and alerted officials. A posse was dispatched and within a few hours hundreds of white men, many of them the "low down" variety, began to comb the area for blacks they believed were launching an insurrection. In the end, five white men and over a hundred African Americans were killed. Some estimates of the black death toll range in the hundreds. Allegations surfaced that the white posse and even U.S. soldiers who were brought in to put down the so called "rebellion" had massacred defenseless black men, women and children. Nearly a hundred blacks were arrested, and in sham trials that lasted no more than a few minutes each, sixty-something black men were sentenced to prison, and twelve were slated for execution. A massive effort on the part of the NAACP and others, including a prominent black attorney in Little Rock, ensued, and by 1925 all the men were free. But planters had established that blacks had best not organize, even within the law, for racism would bring whites of different classes together to put them down.”
Many more blacks than whites died as a result of the violence. Five whites and between 100 and 200 blacks were killed.[3][4]
Seventy-nine African Americans were charged with crimes and tried and convicted, with 12 sentenced to death, and the remainder accepting terms of up to 21 years. Appeals of the death penalty cases went to the U.S. Supreme Court where the high court ruled in favor of an expansion of federal oversight of state treatment of defendants' rights.[3]
The summer of 1919 had been marked by deadly race riots in numerous major cities across the country, including Chicago, Knoxville, and Washington, DC. In addition, postwar tensions were high because of labor unrest across the country. Added to labor tensions were racial ones — in Phillips County, a plantation area of the Mississippi Delta since before the Civil War, blacks outnumbered whites by ten to one. Whites feared resistance to their domination. They also wanted blacks out of the country or dead.

Events

When a white deputy sheriff and a railroad detective, arrived at the church, a fight broke out between them and the guards. In the ensuing gunfire, the railroad detective was killed and the deputy sheriff was wounded.
The parish sheriff called for a posse to investigate and capture those who were responsible for the killing. Violence expanded beyond the meeting place. Additional armed white men came into the county from outside to support the white citizens until a mob of 500 to 1,000 armed men had formed. Fighting in the area lasted for three days. Sensational newspaper articles reported that an "insurrection" was occurring. After arriving in Elaine, white men roamed the area randomly attacking and killing black men.
Area whites also requested help from Arkansas Governor Charles Hillman Brough, citing a "Negro uprising". As the mob was gathering, Brough contacted the War Department and requested Federal troops. After considerable delay, approximately 500 U.S. troops arrived and found the area in chaos. The troops made their way to the area of the Hoop Spur Church, where they exchanged gunfire with black farmers in the woods. Over the next few days, the troops disarmed both parties and arrested 285 black residents, putting them in stockades for investigation and protection.
Several African American and white citizens were killed and more wounded. At least two and possibly more were killed by Federal troops. The exact number of blacks killed is unknown because of the wide area of attacks, but estimates ranged from 100 to 200.[3][4]
 

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NAACP involvement
The NAACP promptly released a statement from a contact in Arkansas providing an account of the origins of the violence: "The whole trouble, as I understand it, started because a Mr. Bratton, a white lawyer from Little Rock, Ark., was employed by sixty or seventy colored families to go to Elaine to represent them in a dispute with the white planters relative to the sale price of cotton." It referred to a story in the Commercial Appeal of Memphis, Tennessee on October 3 that quoted Bratton's father:[8]
“it had been impossible for [the negroes] to obtain itemized statements of accounts, or in fact to obtain statements at all, and that the manager was preparing to ship their cotton, they being sharecroppers and having a half interest therein, off without settling with them or allowing them to sell their half of the crop and pay up their accounts.... If it's a crime to represent people in an effort to make honest settlements, then he has committed a crime.”
The NAACP sent its Field Secretary, Walter F. White, to Elaine in October 1919. White, who was of mixed heritage, blond, blue-eyed and able to pass for white, was granted credentials from the Chicago Daily News. This enabled him to obtain an interview with Governor Brough, who gave him a letter of recommendation for other meetings and an autographed photograph.
White was in Phillips County for only a brief time before his identity was discovered and he took the first train back to Little Rock. The conductor told him that he was leaving "just when the fun is going to start," because they had found out that there was a "damned yellow ****** passing for white and the boys are going to get him." Asked what they would do to him, the conductor told White that "when they get through with him he won't pass for white no more!"
White talked with both black and white residents. He reported that local people said that up to 100 blacks had been killed. White published his findings in the Daily News, the Chicago Defender, and The Nation, as well as the NAACP's magazine The Crisis.[3] Governor Brough asked the United States Postal Service to prohibit the mailing of the Chicago Defender and Crisis, while local officials attempted to enjoin distribution of the Defender.[citation needed] Years later, White said people in Elaine told him that up to 200 blacks had been killed.[4]

The trials

In October and November 1919, an Arkansas grand jury returned indictments against 122 blacks. Since most blacks had been disfranchised by Arkansas' constitution at the turn of the century and discriminatory voter registration, they were not allowed to serve as jurors. Jury members were all white. Suspects were charged with 73 counts of murder, plus charges of conspiracy and insurrection.
Those blacks willing to testify against others and who agreed to work for a period without pay, as determined by their landlords, were set free. Those who refused to comply with those conditions, or were labeled ringleaders or were judged unreliable, were indicted. According to the affidavits later supplied by the defendants, many of the prisoners had been beaten, whipped or tortured by electric shocks to extract testimony or confessions. They were threatened with death if they recanted their testimony.[3]
The trials were held only a month after the events, in the courthouse in Elaine, Phillips County. Mobs of armed whites milled around the courthouse. Some members of the audience were armed as well. The lawyers for the defense did not subpoena witnesses for the defense and did not allow their clients to testify. Twelve of the defendants were convicted of murder and sentenced to death in the electric chair. Their trials lasted less than an hour in many cases; the juries took less than ten minutes to deliberate before pronouncing them guilty and sentencing them to death. The Arkansas Gazette applauded the trials as the triumph of the rule of law, as none of the defendants had been lynched.
Thirty-six defendants chose to plead guilty to second-degree murder rather than face trial. Sixty-seven other defendants were convicted and sentenced to various terms up to 21 years
 

cole phelps

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The appeals
The NAACP also took on the task of organizing the defendants' appeal. The NAACP for a time attempted to conceal its role in the appeals, given the hostile reception its report on the violence and the trials had received. Once it undertook to organize the defense, it went to work vigorously, raising more than $50,000 and hiring Scipio Africanus Jones, a highly respected African-American attorney from Arkansas, and Colonel George W. Murphy, a Confederate veteran, former Attorney General for the State of Arkansas and unsuccessful candidate for Governor on the Progressive Party ticket.
The defendants' lawyers were able to obtain reversal of the verdicts by the Arkansas Supreme Court in six of the twelve cases in which death sentences had been handed down. The grounds were that the jury had failed to specify whether the defendants were guilty of murder in the first or second degree; those cases were accordingly sent back for retrial.
The Arkansas Supreme Court upheld the death sentences of the six other defendants, rejecting the challenge to the all-white jury as untimely and finding that the mob atmosphere and use of coerced testimony did not deny the defendants the due process of law. Those defendants unsuccessfully petitioned the United States Supreme Court for a writ of certiorari from the Arkansas Supreme Court's decision.
The defendants next petitioned for a writ of habeas corpus, alleging that the proceedings that took place in the Arkansas state court, while ostensibly complying with the requirements of a trial, were in fact only a form. They argued that the accused were convicted under the pressure of the mob, with blatant disregard for their constitutional rights. The defendants originally intended to file their petition in Federal court, but the only sitting judge was assigned to other judicial duties in Minnesota at the time and would not return to Arkansas until after the defendants' scheduled execution date. Judge John Ellis Martineau of the Pulaski County chancery court issued the writ. Although the writ was later overturned by the state Supreme Court, his action postponed the execution date long enough to permit the defendants to seek habeas corpus relief in Federal court, where U.S. District Judge Jacob Trieber issued another writ.
The State of Arkansas took a narrowly legalistic position, based on the United States Supreme Court's earlier decision in Frank v. Mangum. It did not dispute the defendants' evidence of torture used to obtain confessions or mob intimidation, but the state simply argued that, even if true, this did not amount to a denial of due process. The United States district court agreed, denying the writ, but also found that there was probable cause for an appeal and allowed the defendants to take their case to the U.S. Supreme Court.
In Moore v. Dempsey, the United States Supreme Court vacated six of the convictions 261 U.S. 86 (1923) on the grounds that the mob-dominated atmosphere of the trial and the use of testimony coerced by torture denied the defendants' due process required by the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. The other six men went back to trial and received sentences of 12 years.
Prominent Little Rock attorney George Rose wrote a letter to outgoing Governor Thomas McRae requesting that he find a way to release the remaining defendants if they agreed to plead guilty. Rose's letter was an attempt to prevent Governor-Elect Thomas Jefferson Terral, a known member of the Ku Klux Klan, from getting involved in the matter.
Just hours before Governor McRae left office, he contacted Scipio Jones to inform him that indefinite furloughs had been issued for the remaining defendants. Jones used the furloughs to obtain release of the prisoners under cover of darkness. The defendants were quickly escorted out of state to prevent their being lynched.
Within a month, Scipio Jones also obtained the release of the other defendants who had pled guilty or been convicted of lesser offenses.

The aftermath

The Supreme Court's decision opened up an era in which the Supreme Court gave closer scrutiny to the criminal justice given to black defendants in the segregated South, at least in well-publicized cases. They reviewed the case of Scottsboro boys a decade later. The victory gave the NAACP greater credibility as the champion of African Americans' rights. Walter F. White's risk-taking participation and report helped propel his career. He later became executive secretary of the NAACP.
In recent years, researchers have begun to investigate the riot in Elaine, Arkansas, more thoroughly, as well as the Tulsa Race Riot in Oklahoma in 1921. In early 2000 a conference on the Elaine Riot was held at the Delta Cultural Center in the county seat of Helena, Arkansas.
 

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In September 1919, in response to the Red Summer, the African Blood Brotherhood formed in northern cities to serve as an "armed resistance" movement.
Protests and appeals to the federal government continued for weeks. A letter in late November from the National Equal Rights League appealed to Wilson's international advocacy for human rights: "We appeal to you to have your country undertake for its racial minority that which you forced Poland and Austria to undertake for their racial minorities.

Haynes report

The report by Dr. George Edmund Haynes of October 1919[1] was a call for national action; it was published in the New York Times and other major newspapers. He noted that lynchings were a national problem, as President Wilson had said in a 1918 speech; from 1889–1918, more than 3,000 people had been lynched; 2,472 were black men, and 50 were black women. Haynes said that states had shown themselves "unable or unwilling" to put a stop to lynchings, and seldom prosecuted the murderers. The fact that white men had been lynched in the North as well, he argued, demonstrated the national nature of the overall problem: "It is idle to suppose that murder can be confined to one section of the country or to one race."[1] He connected the lynchings to the widespread riots that year:
"Persistence of unpunished lynchings of negroes fosters lawlessness among white men imbued with the mob spirit, and creates a spirit of bitterness among negroes. In such a state of public mind a trivial incident can precipitate a riot.
"Disregard of law and legal process will inevitably lead to more and more frequent clashes and bloody encounters between white men and negroes and a condition of potential race war in many cities of the United States.
"Unchecked mob violence creates hatred and intolerance, making impossible free and dispassionate discussion not only of race problems, but questions on which races and sections differ."
 
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