Whistleblower’s tapes suggest the Fed was protecting Goldman Sachs from the inside
Updated by
Dylan Matthews on September 26, 2014, 1:00 p.m. ET
@dylanmatt dylan@vox.com
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Nabil Rahman for ProPublica
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One of the most troubling aspects of the financial crisis was that government regulators let it happen in the first place. And the most compelling explanation is also the most disturbing: regulators were unduly influenced or even controlled ("captured" is the term of art) by the very banks and financial firms they were meant to rein in. This argument, popularized most notably by MIT economist
Simon Johnson, has strong circumstantial evidence supporting it, but concrete proof from within regulatory agencies has, understandably, been hard to come by.
On Friday,
This American Life and
ProPublica announced they had found such proof. A joint report produced by ProPublica reporter Jake Bernstein (who previously won a
Pulitzer for his investigative reporting on Wall Street for the two outlets) revealed the existence of 46 hours of audio recordings made inside the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, which, as the Fed's interface with the financial sector, serves as one of country's most powerful bank regulators. Taken by former Fed bank examiner Carmen Segarra, the recordings suggest a culture within the Fed that was at best overly cautious in confronting bank wrongdoing, and at worst in bed with the banks it was regulating.
The
TAL episode is worth listening to in full, and the
ProPublica report is worth reading in full, but here are the very basics of what they found in case you're in a rush.
First off, what's a bank examiner?
New York Fed chief Bill Dudley, who was in charge when Segarra was an employee. (Rob Kim/Getty Images)
A bank examiner is a New York Fed employee who actually works out of the offices of the bank they're supposed to oversee. "Like, you have a desk there, and your own phone," as Bernstein explains in the
TAL episode. Before the financial meltdown, these staffers typically lacked specific area knowledge and had to call on experts in the Fed headquarters if they had questions about the bank's business practices. One of the reforms the bank adopted after the crash was to hire more experts and place them in bank examiner roles.
Who is Carmen Segarra?
Segarra is a veteran of the financial industry who, after working for firms like
Citigroup and Société Générale, joined the New York Fed as an expert bank examiner on October 31st, 2011. Her specialty, Bernstein says, was "helping big banks with the procedures and systems they need to comply with the many rules and regulations they face, here and overseas."
The Fed assigned her to embed within Goldman Sachs. She worked as an examiner at Goldman for seven months before she was fired. She claims that she was let go for refusing to change certain findings about Goldman's practices; in April a judge
dismissed her wrongful termination lawsuit against the NY Fed and two former supervisors. In a particularly vivid illustration of the coziness the
TAL/
ProPublica report exposes, the judge's husband was
representing Goldman Sachs at the time she dismissed the suit. The case is currently under appeal.
What did Segarra find?
Goldman Sachs CEO Lloyd Blankfein. (Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)
Segarra found three clear cases where Goldman appeared to be engaged in wrongdoing, but where Fed staff pushed back at her attempts to correct it. The latter two incidents have audio evidence from Segarra's recordings corroborating them.
The wealthy clients incident
A senior Goldman executive, at a meeting with Fed officials early in Segarra's tenure, expressed the view that "once clients were wealthy enough, certain consumer laws didn’t apply to them," in Bernstein's
words; this is corroborated by minutes from the meeting in questions. When Segarra tried to look into the issue further, a Fed colleague protested, saying the executive didn't say that, or if he did, that he didn't mean it.
The Santander incident
In early January, Goldman was closing a deal with the Spanish bank Santander, the point of which, Fed regulators discerned, was to take risky assets off of Santander's hands so as to increase its ratio of capital to assets so as to comply with European regulators. The deal required Goldman to notify the Fed about the deal and get it to sign off, which Goldman hadn't done.
While Fed officials, including Michael Silva, initially sounded outraged, in the end Silva only brought it up once, at the very end of a meeting with Goldman officials, and in a tone that Segarra found overly deferential. She thought the debrief from the meeting with other Fed officials suggested the Fed feared Goldman retaliation if they were too aggressive. This was despite the fact that Goldman was required to hand over information and the Fed could punish it, including criminally, if it failed to comply.
The most forceful action they considered taking against Goldman for the deal was sending them a letter; Bernstein
couldn't confirm that one was ever sent.
The conflict of interest policy incident
The Fed requires banks like Goldman to have firmwide conflict of interest policies that fit certain requirements. Segarra concluded that Goldman lacked such a policy, not least because Goldman's staffer in charge of managing conflicts of interest told her the firm's policy had no definition of "conflict of interest."
Silva agreed with her. But after he got pushback from another Fed examiner, he changed his view, just as Segarra was about to take regulatory action to force Goldman to adopt a real policy. Silva protested that the bank had a conflict of interest policy, but Bernstein
notes that it was "just a few paragraphs long and very general .… We showed it to two experts: former Fed examiners familiar with the Fed’s guidance on this issue. They both said it wouldn’t qualify as a policy."
Silva urged her to recant her statement that there was no policy, despite the fact that he could have easily overridden her. Segarra suggests this was because, to quote Bernstein, "if she submitted her conclusions, it would create a formal record that her bosses didn’t want." Eventually, Segarra agreed to say there was was a policy, albeit a "very poor policy," but privately insisted to Silva that there was "no way this is a policy." A week later, she was fired.