Turmoil for Rand Paul

88m3

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For Rand Paul, a rude awakening to the rigors of a national campaign





David A. Fahrenthold and Matea Gold February 5 at 6:00 AM
Rand Paul’s plan to get himself elected president relies on two long-shot bets coming true.

So far, neither one seems to be going well.

Paul’s first wager is that his “libertarian-ish” ideas will manage to attract both Republicans mad about regulation and Democrats mad about government spying into an entirely new American voting bloc. “The leave-me-alone coalition,” Paul calls it.

The second bet is a bet on Paul himself — a wager that he’s an unusually talented politician persuasive enough to build a coalition out of groups that have never viewed themselves as allies.

This week, Paul’s ideas put him at the middle of a national controversy when he applied his trademark libertarian, skeptical thinking to the question of childhood vaccines. They should be largely voluntary, Paul said, as a matter of freedom. He also said he had heard of children who “wound up with profound mental disorders after vaccines.”


Paul also ran into trouble on the P.R. front. At times, he has seemed disinterested — or unprepared — for the basic tasks of being a national politician.

For instance, this week he “shushed” a female interviewer on national TV. After his vaccine comments drew angry reactions, he accused the media of misconstruing his remarks about vaccines and mental disorders.

“I did not say vaccines caused disorders, just that they were temporally related,” Paul said in a statement. “I did not allege causation.”

Paul could not be reached for comment on Wednesday, and e-mails seeking comment from aides at his political action committee, RANDPAC, were not returned. A spokesman for Paul’s Senate office, when asked whether Paul could comment about his missteps this week, wrote back with a one-word message.

“Seriously?” spokesman Brian Darling wrote.

Seriously, he was told.

Darling did not reply after that.


Paul — the son of libertarian leader and three-time presidential candidate Ron Paul — has not formally said he’s running for president. But he’s showing all the symptoms. Rand Paul has hired top-flight GOP operatives, visited New Hampshire and is planning a trip to Iowa this weekend.

Right now, polls put Paul near the top of a crowded, confused GOP field.

National surveys have shown him running slightly behind former Florida governor Jeb Bush, with roughly 10 percent among Republican-leaning voters. A recent poll in Iowa showed that 64 percent of likely caucus-goers had a favorable opinion of Paul. That was tied for second, behind only former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee.

That is better than Paul’s father was doing at the same point four years ago, but not by much.

He has said his candidacy will work if it catches the country at a fed-up, libertarian moment.

“I think there is a moment that has come to the country, where . . . the ‘leave me alone coalition,’ or the limited-government types [are] the majority,” Paul told a gathering of young libertarians last year. “People aren’t really happy saying, ‘I’m a Republican’ or a Democrat. There is a plurality of people, though, that are a little bit of both. . . . We can find that sweet spot. Bring those people together.”

He would advocate both an old conservative value — “economic liberty,” the right to conduct business without government meddling — with an appeal to “personal liberty,” including traditionally liberal causes like privacy protections and criminal justice reforms.

A year before the first caucus and 21 months before the general election, it’s impossible to know whether Paul’s libertarian moment will arrive at the right time. The state of the international battle against the Islamic State, for instance, could determine whether Paul’s skeptical views on war seem prescient or out of touch.

For Paul, then, it is vital to control the factors that lie within his grasp. In his speech to those young conservatives, Paul said it was important to project a hopeful, almost joyous attitude.

“Sugarcoat it with optimism,” he told the crowd. “Like a man coming over the hill singing.”

This past week, Rand Paul did not look like a man coming over the hill singing.

“Hey Kelly! Hey, hey! Shhhhh!” Paul said to CNBC anchor Kelly Evans, putting his finger to his lips, when Evans interrupted him during an interview about a tax proposal. “Calm down a bit here, Kelly. Let me answer the question.”

On the subject of vaccines, Paul struggled with what might be the first rule of presidential campaigning: try not to shoot yourself in the foot. And if you do, stop shooting.

First, on Laura Ingraham’s radio show, he was asked about vaccinations. Paul said he was not against vaccines, but “most of them ought to be voluntary.” After that raised a controversy, Paul reacted first with sarcasm: “Well, I guess being for freedom would be really, uh, unusual? I guess I don’t understand the point,” he said on CNBC.

Then he tried spin, saying he hadn’t meant what he’d seemed to say about vaccines and mental disorders. Finally, he sought to play the victim. Paul posted a photo of himself getting a vaccine booster shot on Twitter, with a caption that included the line: “Wonder how the liberal media will misreport this?”

Paul’s handling of the vaccine issue was one of several times recently where he seemed to struggle with the kind of high-pressure interactions that would become run-of-the-mill for a presidential candidate.

Last month, Paul spoke onstage — along with fellow senators and proto-candidates Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) and Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) — at a gathering of wealthy conservative donors in Rancho Mirage, Calif. Rubio wore a suit. Cruz wore a jacket and slacks. Paul, following a personal fashion trademark, wore blue jeans.

That was viewed by some in the room as inappropriately informal for an aspiring presidential candidate.

Paul also stuck out for his tone. He was low-key, almost weary, while the other two were polished and energetic.

The senator from Kentucky also found himself on the defensive when the discussion turned to topics such as normalizing relations with Cuba and negotiating with Iran. While Cruz and Rubio drew whoops and applause for hard-line stances denouncing the Obama administration’s approach, Paul’s arguments for diplomacy were met largely with quiet.

“He probably started the weekend with the highest burden of expectations, and he failed to meet them,” said one attendee, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the private event. “It wasn’t that he made significant mistakes. It’s just that he looked lackadaisical and to an extent even disinterested.”

Because he was on that stage in California, Paul wasn’t in Iowa, where a key gathering of conservatives was hosted by Rep. Steve King (R) on the same weekend.

There, some evangelical voters said they were already wary of Paul because of his attempt to appeal to both left and right. To evangelicals, Paul is trying to be on both sides of issues with only one right side.

Paul has said he opposes same-sex marriage, for instance. But he’s also said that the issue should be settled on a state-by-state basis. And he opposes abortion, but has also said that given public attitudes, U.S. law on the subject is not likely to change soon.

And now, Paul had once again missed a chance to make his case to Iowa Republicans at an important conservative event.

“Dude, who do you think you are?” said Steve Deace, a conservative activist who hosts a popular Christian radio talk show in Iowa. “You think you are so big that you can avoid the process, that you can just bypass all of the major events” on the Iowa conservative calendar?

“I don’t know where he is getting advice on this,” Deace said. “But right now he is going nowhere.”

If Paul runs for president, there will be more weeks like this one. Paul will have to get better at projecting competence and confidence in uncomfortable situations. If he doesn’t, his moment might never come.

“He obviously is a guy who’s only run one race for office. So we’ll have to see how good his own political skills are,” said David Boaz, an executive vice president at the libertarian Cato Institute. After this rocky week, Boaz added, the best consolation for Paul is that we all may forget this ever happened.

“We’re still a year away from anybody voting,” he said. “If you’re going to make stumbles, better to do it now than the month before Iowa.”


http://www.washingtonpost.com/polit...3-11e4-abe8-e1ef60ca26de_story.html?tid=sm_fb


maybe if they throw more money at him it will improve?
 

theworldismine13

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i gotta agree, hes been fuking up, i might have to jump off the rand 2016 bandwagon, he's starting to look amateurish

it makes you appreciate how disciplined obama had to be when he started running
 

Richard Wright

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i gotta agree, hes been fuking up, i might have to jump off the rand 2016 bandwagon, he's starting to look amateurish

it makes you appreciate how disciplined obama had to be when he started running

I agree with this. Rand needs to be more practical with how he approaches certain things.
 

Dusty Bake Activate

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i gotta agree, hes been fuking up, i might have to jump off the rand 2016 bandwagon, he's starting to look amateurish

it makes you appreciate how disciplined obama had to be when he started running
What do you expect from a guy who let Rachel Maddow expose his inner cac and admit he opposes the Civil Rights Act of 1965 on national TV?
 

superunknown23

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What do you expect from a guy who let Rachel Maddow expose his inner cac and admit he opposes the Civil Rights Act of 1964 on national TV?
That shyt was basically a referendum on Jim Crow... and his father is still opposed to it.
Tellingly, the GOP nominated Barry Goldwater for president barely 4 months after he voted against it.
The result: Goldwater lost in a landslide but became the first republican to win the Deep South since the Civil War. The black GOP vote went from 33 percent for Nixon in 1960 to just 4 percent in 1964.
That's when the GOP lost the black vote for good.
 

88m3

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Rand Paul’s vaccine claims under microscope

BY THOMAS BEAUMONT, ASSOCIATED PRESS AND LAURIE KELLMAN, ASSOCIATED PRESS February 8, 2015 at 11:51 AM EST
Rand-Paul-1024x729.jpg

U.S. Senator Rand Paul (R-KY) delivers remarks at the morning plenary session of the Values Voter Summit in Washington September 26, 2014. Paul’s past statements about vaccination and other medical issues came under scrutiny this week. Photo by Gary Cameron/Reuters

DES MOINES, Iowa — As a medical doctor, Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul has a rare set of credentials at the intersection of science and politics. But the glare of the 2016 presidential race is searing, and under it, Paul had a rough week.

On Friday night in Iowa, Paul faced likely voters in the state’s leadoff nominating caucuses for the first time since answering questions about a measles outbreak centered in California. Paul said Monday that he had heard about “many tragic cases” of children who got vaccines and ended up with “profound mental disorders.”

That assertion has no basis in medical research, and Paul clearly was still upset on Friday about how his comments had been received.

“It may be a little because I’m a doctor, but really I think it’s inaccuracies” fueled by reporters, he told The Associated Press. “From my point of view, that’s frustrating.”

Paul’s supporters in Iowa rallied around him, bestowing on him “more credibility than other would-be presidential candidates on the issue,” said former Iowa Republican Party co-chairman David Fischer, a Paul supporter.

But the episode probably took a toll on Paul, a libertarian who intends to try to highlight his background as a physician as an advantage if a possible White House campaign.

Republicans in Washington distanced themselves from Paul this past week, and none went out of his way to defend him.

“As a doctor, I believe all children should be vaccinated,” said Sen. John Barrasso, R-Wyo., an orthopedic surgeon. It was a line he repeated several times when asked about the uproar.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who has said he would support a run by Paul, made no secret of his disagreement with Paul about the value of childhood vaccinations.

“As a victim of polio myself, I’m a big fan of vaccinations,” McConnell, R-Ky., told reporters. ( you old b*stard :heh:)

Paul’s immunization comments were the latest, and most inflammatory, example of the challenge he faces as the one of two doctors – along with Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon – among the more than dozen GOP contenders.

Paul is viewed as an expert on science in an age where anyone with Internet access can check his statements. He also is a politician and a congressman’s son whose platform revolves around a distrust of government shared by some in both parties.

“Physicians look at things differently,” Paul told the AP. “We don’t think of things so much in partisan terms. We think of them as problems. And the problem has to be fixed.”

When it comes to vaccinations, he said, “the science doesn’t show a relation” between them and mental disorders.

Carson, who has generated a following in Iowa and nationally among conservatives, said this past week that he has heard stories of brain damage resulting from vaccinations. But he was quick to add that in his career as a pediatric surgeon, he had never been presented with such a case.

“There have been many stories like that, that have circulated,” Carson said. “Have I ever encountered one? No.”

Paul’s words about a medical issue have raised eyebrows before.

Last fall, when the Ebola virus reached the United States in a few isolated cases, Paul told a group of college students that the disease can spread from an infected person to someone standing 3 feet away. He called Ebola “incredibly contagious” and suggested it could spread at a cocktail party attended by someone who is symptomatic. :heh:

Paul also suggested that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention made the transmission of Ebola sound similar to that of AIDS. Ebola, he said, is easier to contract.

“You’re not going to get AIDS at a cocktail party. No one’s going to cough on you and you’re going to get AIDS. Everybody knows that. That’s what they make it sound exactly like,” Paul said. “But then you listen to them closely, they say you have to have direct contact. But you know how they define direct contact? Being within 3 feet of someone.”

Health authorities worldwide have said that Ebola is only transmitted through direct contact with bodily fluids – and that blood, vomit and feces carry the most virus.

Such political missteps are noticed by those paying early attention to the presidential race.

Gwen Ecklund, the Republican Party chairwoman in Iowa’s GOP-heavy Crawford County is not yet aligned with any candidate. She said Paul’s medical credentials add weight to his words.

“I think people pay more attention when Sen. Paul is saying it, more than when others do,” she said.

http://www.pbs.org/newshour/rundown...&utm_medium=pbsofficial&utm_campaign=newshour

#zero integrity

#amatuer
 

Mr Rager

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Why would you EVER cosign those anti-vaxxer nuts in any way, shape or form? Come on Rand :snoop:
 

Gains

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i gotta agree, hes been fuking up, i might have to jump off the rand 2016 bandwagon, he's starting to look amateurish

it makes you appreciate how disciplined obama had to be when he started running


just starting ?
 

Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson

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That shyt was basically a referendum on Jim Crow... and his father is still opposed to it.
Tellingly, the GOP nominated Barry Goldwater for president barely 4 months after he voted against it.
The result: Goldwater lost in a landslide but became the first republican to win the Deep South since the Civil War. The black GOP vote went from 33 percent for Nixon in 1960 to just 4 percent in 1964.
That's when the GOP lost the black vote for good.
dis is librul non cents.

 

88m3

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Clueless in Kentucky: Rand Paul’s ideas about the Fed make absolutely no sense




By Matt O'Brien February 10 at 8:21 AM
Bilderberg Group and NAFTA superhighway conspiracy theories. But then he got elected to the U.S. Senate, and had enough self-awareness to realize that talking about them had become a liability. So he stopped. Instead, he's moved on to peddling barely-more-coherent scare stories about Ebola, vaccines, and, above all, the Federal Reserve. In fact, during a swing to Iowa last weekend, he began his trip with an all out assault on the Fed. “Anybody feel that the Fed is out to get us?" Paul said to applause.

What's behind this odd fixation? Like his father before him, Rand Paul is a devotee of so-called Austrian economics. I say devotee, because Austrianism is a cult more than anything else. It preaches that the Fed is to blame for the economy's boom-and-bust cycle ... despite the fact that the busts have gotten smaller and less frequent since the Fed -- the nation's central bank -- was created. But that's no matter to Austrians who think the only important thing is whether their theories work in, well, theory, and not in, well, practice. That's not hyperbole. Austrians really say it's irrelevant whether their hyperinflation predictions come true—which makes sense, I guess, since they haven't—as long as those predictions logically follow from first principles. That makes their beliefs "true" whether or not they actually are. If that sounds loony, that's because it is. But it's the basis of Paul's attempt to control—I forgot, he's calling it an "audit" of—the Fed.

The first thing you need to know about the Fed is that its emergency lending during the crisis was already audited as part of the Dodd-Frank financial reform. The second is that Dodd-Frank already requires it to disclose any future emergency lending at a one or two-year lag. The third is that the rest of what it does is already audited by, count 'em, the Government Accountability Office, the Office of the Inspector General, andindependent private auditors. And the last is that the Fed already publishes a summary of its balance sheet every week. That's a lot of "alreadys." But despite them all, Paul still thinks the Fed is too secretive and out to get us us and needs to be, you guessed it, audited. What it really means, though, is he wants Congress to be able to oversee the Fed's monetary policy decisions. In other words, he wants to grill the Fed about when and whether it raises interest rates.

This is a terrible idea. I mean, would you want Rand Paul, who's worried that Weimar-style inflation is coming, to be looking over Fed Chair Janet Yellen's shoulder trying to tell her what to do? The problem is Paul knows just enough terminology to play an expert on TV, without actually knowing a thing. He just warned an Iowa crowd, for example, that the Fed's "liabilities are $4.5 trillion" and its "assets are $57 billion," which makes it "leveraged three times greater than Lehman Brothers was when Lehman Brothers went bankrupt." So the Fed would be "insolvent," he argued, if we didn't "give 'em a pass" because "they've got a printing press." This is all kinds of ignorant. First off, as Cullen Roche points out, the Fed's assets are actually $4.487 trillion. Its capital is $57 billion. And there'd be a lot more capital if the Fed hadn't given the Treasury $500 billion of its profits the past decade. Indeed, it'd only be "leveraged" 8, and not 80, to 1 if it'd kept all the money it'd made.

But this is besides the point. It doesn't matter how "leveraged" the Fed is. It doesn't even make sense to talk about it. Leverage, after all, is how much money a bank is borrowing. But a central bank doesn't borrow money. It prints money. So its "leverage" is meaningless. Think about it this way. When the things a bank has bought are worth less than the money it's borrowed, it's insolvent—and if its lenders figure that out, they'll push it into bankruptcy by asking for their money back all at once. So we care about leverage because more of it makes this easier to happen. But what would it take for this to happen to a central bank? Well, suppose the Fed's assets, in this case, Treasury and mortgage bonds, lose so much value that it's technically insolvent. Who would the "lenders" asking for their money back even be?

The answer is ... everyone who has dollars? Or none of them, more likely. The Fed's liabilities, you see, are the dollars it's printed and the dollars that banks have on deposit with it. These are pretty good liabilities to have—the best ones, actually—since currency pays zero interest and central bank deposits only pay 0.25 percent (and the Fed could make that zero, like it was before 2008, whenever it wants). So it's not like the Fed is going to default on its mostly nonexistent debt payments that it can make fully nonexistent at will. Nor are people going to rush to trade their dollars in for, let's humor Rand Paul, gold, just because the Fed's bonds have lost more money on paper than it has on hand. The Fed's "capital" is an accounting fiction that depends on how much money it's sending to the Treasury and how much money the Treasury is sending to it—and that has nothing to do with the value of the dollar itself. That last part is the only thing that could make people want to turn in their dollars for euros or pounds (but probably not Bitcoins): if the dollar was already crashing because of high, out-of-control inflation. But that's the opposite of the world we live in now, with inflation at just 0.7 percent and heading even lower as oil prices keep dropping.

Rand Paul seems to understand approximately none of this. He and others in the the GOP have, for years, brayed about high inflation that didn't exist and currency depreciation that wasn't happening, even taking the unprecedented step of publicly warning the Fed off its stimulus efforts, all while the real problems were too-low inflation, and, more recently, a stronger dollar that's put a crimp on the recovery. But despite this, Paul wants these people who have been, to put it charitably, wrong about everything to have more of a say against the ones who haven't. And it's all in the name of "transparency" that the Fed is already providing plenty of, which Paul would know if he actually read something about it anywhere other than the usual Austrian suspects. The worst part, though, is that we know what an economy with the kind of tight money that Republicans prefer looks like right now. It's called "Europe," and it has twice as much unemployment as we do. But hey, empirical evidence doesn't matter, right? Let them eat first principles!

That's the kind of crazy that would make charlatans and cranks both say Rand Paul is giving them a bad name.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs...t-the-fed-make-absolutely-no-sense/?tid=sm_fb
@Mephistopheles
 

Dusty Bake Activate

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Clueless in Kentucky: Rand Paul’s ideas about the Fed make absolutely no sense




By Matt O'Brien February 10 at 8:21 AM
Bilderberg Group and NAFTA superhighway conspiracy theories. But then he got elected to the U.S. Senate, and had enough self-awareness to realize that talking about them had become a liability. So he stopped. Instead, he's moved on to peddling barely-more-coherent scare stories about Ebola, vaccines, and, above all, the Federal Reserve. In fact, during a swing to Iowa last weekend, he began his trip with an all out assault on the Fed. “Anybody feel that the Fed is out to get us?" Paul said to applause.

What's behind this odd fixation? Like his father before him, Rand Paul is a devotee of so-called Austrian economics. I say devotee, because Austrianism is a cult more than anything else. It preaches that the Fed is to blame for the economy's boom-and-bust cycle ... despite the fact that the busts have gotten smaller and less frequent since the Fed -- the nation's central bank -- was created. But that's no matter to Austrians who think the only important thing is whether their theories work in, well, theory, and not in, well, practice. That's not hyperbole. Austrians really say it's irrelevant whether their hyperinflation predictions come true—which makes sense, I guess, since they haven't—as long as those predictions logically follow from first principles. That makes their beliefs "true" whether or not they actually are. If that sounds loony, that's because it is. But it's the basis of Paul's attempt to control—I forgot, he's calling it an "audit" of—the Fed.

The first thing you need to know about the Fed is that its emergency lending during the crisis was already audited as part of the Dodd-Frank financial reform. The second is that Dodd-Frank already requires it to disclose any future emergency lending at a one or two-year lag. The third is that the rest of what it does is already audited by, count 'em, the Government Accountability Office, the Office of the Inspector General, andindependent private auditors. And the last is that the Fed already publishes a summary of its balance sheet every week. That's a lot of "alreadys." But despite them all, Paul still thinks the Fed is too secretive and out to get us us and needs to be, you guessed it, audited. What it really means, though, is he wants Congress to be able to oversee the Fed's monetary policy decisions. In other words, he wants to grill the Fed about when and whether it raises interest rates.

This is a terrible idea. I mean, would you want Rand Paul, who's worried that Weimar-style inflation is coming, to be looking over Fed Chair Janet Yellen's shoulder trying to tell her what to do? The problem is Paul knows just enough terminology to play an expert on TV, without actually knowing a thing. He just warned an Iowa crowd, for example, that the Fed's "liabilities are $4.5 trillion" and its "assets are $57 billion," which makes it "leveraged three times greater than Lehman Brothers was when Lehman Brothers went bankrupt." So the Fed would be "insolvent," he argued, if we didn't "give 'em a pass" because "they've got a printing press." This is all kinds of ignorant. First off, as Cullen Roche points out, the Fed's assets are actually $4.487 trillion. Its capital is $57 billion. And there'd be a lot more capital if the Fed hadn't given the Treasury $500 billion of its profits the past decade. Indeed, it'd only be "leveraged" 8, and not 80, to 1 if it'd kept all the money it'd made.

But this is besides the point. It doesn't matter how "leveraged" the Fed is. It doesn't even make sense to talk about it. Leverage, after all, is how much money a bank is borrowing. But a central bank doesn't borrow money. It prints money. So its "leverage" is meaningless. Think about it this way. When the things a bank has bought are worth less than the money it's borrowed, it's insolvent—and if its lenders figure that out, they'll push it into bankruptcy by asking for their money back all at once. So we care about leverage because more of it makes this easier to happen. But what would it take for this to happen to a central bank? Well, suppose the Fed's assets, in this case, Treasury and mortgage bonds, lose so much value that it's technically insolvent. Who would the "lenders" asking for their money back even be?

The answer is ... everyone who has dollars? Or none of them, more likely. The Fed's liabilities, you see, are the dollars it's printed and the dollars that banks have on deposit with it. These are pretty good liabilities to have—the best ones, actually—since currency pays zero interest and central bank deposits only pay 0.25 percent (and the Fed could make that zero, like it was before 2008, whenever it wants). So it's not like the Fed is going to default on its mostly nonexistent debt payments that it can make fully nonexistent at will. Nor are people going to rush to trade their dollars in for, let's humor Rand Paul, gold, just because the Fed's bonds have lost more money on paper than it has on hand. The Fed's "capital" is an accounting fiction that depends on how much money it's sending to the Treasury and how much money the Treasury is sending to it—and that has nothing to do with the value of the dollar itself. That last part is the only thing that could make people want to turn in their dollars for euros or pounds (but probably not Bitcoins): if the dollar was already crashing because of high, out-of-control inflation. But that's the opposite of the world we live in now, with inflation at just 0.7 percent and heading even lower as oil prices keep dropping.

Rand Paul seems to understand approximately none of this. He and others in the the GOP have, for years, brayed about high inflation that didn't exist and currency depreciation that wasn't happening, even taking the unprecedented step of publicly warning the Fed off its stimulus efforts, all while the real problems were too-low inflation, and, more recently, a stronger dollar that's put a crimp on the recovery. But despite this, Paul wants these people who have been, to put it charitably, wrong about everything to have more of a say against the ones who haven't. And it's all in the name of "transparency" that the Fed is already providing plenty of, which Paul would know if he actually read something about it anywhere other than the usual Austrian suspects. The worst part, though, is that we know what an economy with the kind of tight money that Republicans prefer looks like right now. It's called "Europe," and it has twice as much unemployment as we do. But hey, empirical evidence doesn't matter, right? Let them eat first principles!

That's the kind of crazy that would make charlatans and cranks both say Rand Paul is giving them a bad name.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs...t-the-fed-make-absolutely-no-sense/?tid=sm_fb
@Mephistopheles
Rand Paul making making monetary policy, that's a scary site.
 
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