Venezuela Crisis: Failed coup attempt by Juan Guaido; Military remains supporting Nicholas Maduro

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Anything new???:ld:
People are still starving in Venezuela and Maduro is pushing more migrants out of the country.

Nothing new.

See how little people care when there's not a coup happening?

@88m3 @dtownreppin214

People got quiet as hell when there was no threat of actually removing Maduro so we can go back to ignoring the narcotrafficking and terror-funding regime he leads that crushes human rights and deprives people of a positive quality of life
 

F K

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People in here are quiet as hell ignoring what Maduro does every day to lead to what happened last week

Yall all went back to NOT giving a damn :wow:
I still don't understand what makes Venezuela worse than Nicaragua, Haiti, Yemen, Saudi Arabia etc... Why should we intervene here and not in any other countries?
I'm not against Guaido winning, but the U.S needs to stay out. Fix Puerto Rico, Iraq, Afghanistan before we start gallivanting abroad.
 

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I still don't understand what makes Venezuela worse than Nicaragua, Haiti, Yemen, Saudi Arabia etc... Why should we intervene here and not in any other countries?
I'm not against Guaido winning, but the U.S needs to stay out. Fix Puerto Rico, Iraq, Afghanistan before we start gallivanting abroad.
Venezuela is affecting its neighbors that’s kinda the problem.
 

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Dope article.

Basically, Trump could have fixed this buy pitting China against Russia but he pissed everyone off in Europe, Canada, and anti-Maduro forces in latin america so he basically has no real stance to get Maduro out :snoop:




@88m3 @dtownreppin214






nytimes.com
Opinion | How Trump Is Getting in His Own Way in Venezuela
7-9 minutes
Opinion|How Trump Is Getting in His Own Way in Venezuela

The U.S. once played a constructive role in helping to unite allies for democracy. Now Trumpism is hindering that.

By Javier Corrales

Mr. Corrales is a professor of political science and an expert on Latin America.

  • May 22, 2019
Cartoon depictions of President Trump at the May Day parade in Revolution Square in Havana this month. Mr. Trump has been pressuring Cuba over its support for the Maduro government in Venezuela.CreditRamon Espinosa/Associated Press

22corrales-articleLarge.jpg


Image
22corrales-articleLarge.jpg


Cartoon depictions of President Trump at the May Day parade in Revolution Square in Havana this month. Mr. Trump has been pressuring Cuba over its support for the Maduro government in Venezuela.CreditCreditRamon Espinosa/Associated Press
AMHERST, Mass. — President Trump’s call for regime change in Venezuela is eliciting criticism from both sides of the political spectrum. The far left is denouncing imperialism; the far right is complaining about hesitancy.

This debate overlooks what is perhaps a more serious problem with America’s new approach to Venezuela: It’s shedding the very allies that the country’s democratic forces need, while strengthening international opponents. In other words, coalition mismanagement.

The Hands Off Venezuela! camp contends that the United States is acting in its own interest and that intervention would worsen conditions on the ground. In contrast, conservatives contend that United States policy lacks teeth. By not intervening more forcefully, the United States is leaving democratic forces on the ground disarmed and vulnerable to repression.

Both sides overstate their case. It took significant human rights violations, coupled with persistent lobbying by the opposition and international allies, to shift United States policy toward Venezuela from ambivalence to a firm commitment to democracy. The Trump administration is basing policy on facts for once; they’ve come to understand that when a semi-failed narco state is left unchecked, as isolationists would want, citizens and neighbors pay the price.

Likewise, conservatives may be downplaying the power of the new United States approach. The Trump administration has introduced sanctions that have cut off the Nicolás Maduro regime from a critical source of financing, and it has offered sanctions relief to military officers who betray the dictator. While mass defections have yet to materialize, for the first time since he took power, some officers are abandoning him in favor of the leader of the opposition, Juan Guaidó. Defections are the first step toward a democratic transition, and while they have been far fewer than Mr. Trump would have wanted, they have been more significant than conservatives have conceded.

Lost in the left-right debate is how Mr. Trump is failing to manage the international actors involved in the Venezuelan standoff. Regime change requires effective management of these actors. This includes the group of more than 50 countries that support democracy in Venezuela. The United States, to its credit, played a constructive role in helping the Venezuelan opposition forge this coalition of allies. But now the United States is adopting policies that weaken the coalition.

In March, Mr. Trump slammed President Iván Duque of Colombia — a key ally — saying “he has done nothing” to contain a recent surge in coca exports. This public humiliation has forced Mr. Duque to bow to pressure and adopt unpopular conservative positions like reneging on some aspects of the 2016 peace accords with guerrillas and asking the courts to roll back a judicial ban on aerial spraying of glyphosate — an herbicide linked to cancer — to eliminate coca crops. The more he moves to the right, the more his poll numbers decline. The United States is effectively weakening one of the most important pro-democracy actors in the region.

Mr. Trump’s recent hard-line stance toward Cuba is also likely to alienate two other key partners: Spain and Canada. In mid-April, the Trump administration announced that it would allow United States citizens to sue any corporation that “traffics” in property confiscated by the Cuban government. As two of Cuba’s most important trading partners, Spain and Canada will bear the costs of this policy. This is no way to reward members of the pro-democracy coalition.

The United States should be trying to engage Mexico, which has adopted a neutral position on the question of Venezuela. Instead bilateral relations between the two countries have been strained by Mr. Trump’s continued hard-line immigration policies. Tensions escalated in March when Mr. Trump threatened to close the border. This intransigence over immigration only helps bolster the popularity of Mexico’s left-wing president, eliminating any leverage the opposition in Mexico could use to pressure the president to change his policy toward Venezuela to align with Mr. Trump’s.

Worse still has been the Trump administration’s treatment of Russia and China, the most important adversaries of the pro-democracy coalition. The right strategy would have been to take a cue from Henry Kissinger’s Cold War playbook: Pit China against Russia. In Venezuela, this would not have been unimaginable.

China was the most important actor in the country until the Russians arrived to ransack it. Venezuela’s economic devastation left underutilized, underinvested and undervalued assets in its wake. Russians began acquiring many of those assets in 2017, becoming the country’s new patron in the process. The biggest loser was China. The United States had an opportunity to convince China that deposing Mr. Maduro was the first step not just in returning value to Chinese investments but also in empowering China vis-à-vis Russia in Venezuela.

On May 3, Mr. Trump discussed Venezuela with President Vladimir Putin of Russia during an hourlong call. He later shocked everyone, including his own secretary of state, by stating that the Russians were “not looking at all to get involved in Venezuela,” sounding more like Russia’s ambassador to the United Nations than the president of the United States.

Worse, two days later he escalated the trade war with China, imposing 25 percent tariffs on $250 billion worth of Chinese goods. Not surprisingly, China retaliated. In the meantime, the United States has expressed no qualms about oil imports from Russia, which have increased since Venezuela’s oil collapse in another example of how Russia profits from the status quo in Venezuela.

In other words, Mr. Trump has been playing soft with Russia while antagonizing China. The Chinese now have more reason to be angry at Mr. Trump than at Mr. Putin.

The problem with the United States’ policy toward Venezuela is not that it’s imperialist or too cautionary, but rather that Trumpism is getting in the way of declared goals. Mr. Trump’s visceral disdain for Latin Americans, his inexplicable submission to Mr. Putin and his irrational dislike of trade with China are sabotaging the chances of using effective international pressure to bring about democracy in Venezuela. Mr. Trump is neither pursuing nor ignoring United States interests. He is hurting them.

Javier Corrales, a professor of political science at Amherst College, is the author, most recently, of “Fixing Democracy: Why Constitutional Change Often Fails to Enhance Democracy in Latin America.”

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.

Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.
 
Last edited:

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JFC :snoop:

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bloomberg.com
Trade Wars and Drone Strikes Are Realigning OPEC
By Julian Lee
7-9 minutes
Markets

An uncertain demand outlook and looming supply shortfall will pit the Saudis against Russia, and create a standoff with Iran and Venezuela.

By
,

May 19, 2019, 1:00 AM EDT

1000x-1.jpg


What the May 13, 2019 attack on this tanker means for next month’s OPEC meeting.

Photographer: KARIM SAHIB/AFP/Getty Images

100x-1.jpg


What the May 13, 2019 attack on this tanker means for next month’s OPEC meeting.

Photographer: KARIM SAHIB/AFP/Getty Images


Rising tensions in the Middle East are vying with fears over an escalating trade war between the U.S. and China to determine the course of oil prices in the coming weeks. In the midst of the turmoil, a group of OPEC+ oil ministers are meeting to recommend a course of action for the group over the second half of the year. Their task is not an enviable one.

As the Middle East seems to be slipping closer to another armed conflict, the OPEC+ group's Joint Ministerial Monitoring Committee meets today in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. This is the group set up as part of the 2016 OPEC+ agreement to monitor compliance with the output targets and which Iran has accused Saudi Arabia of seeking to use as an alternative to OPEC.

While it doesn’t have the power to set policy, the JMMC will recommend a course of action to the full OPEC and OPEC+ ministerial meetings to be held in Vienna, Austria in late June. Co-chaired by Saudi Arabia and Russia, its view will carry weight.

Not surprisingly, Iran's oil minister is not making the trip to Jeddah. Saudi Arabia has accused its Persian Gulf neighbor of ordering last week’s drone strikes on its East-West pipeline, claimed by Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen. Oil flow along the line, which has the capacity to carry 5 million barrels a day of crude from fields in the east of the kingdom to refineries and export terminals on its Red Sea coast, bypassing the Strait of Hormuz was briefly disrupted. An attack earlier in the week on several oil tankers off the U.A.E. port of Fujairah, has also been linked to Iran. One Saudi newspaper has called for “surgical strikes” against the country.

East-West Pipeline
Saudi Arabia’s East-West Pipeline was the target of a drone attack claimed by Yemen's Houthi rebels

Source: Bloomberg

The toughening of U.S. sanctions on Iran at the start of May is weighing heavily on the country’s oil exports, while the failure of Juan Guaido’s attempt to spark a military uprising against President Nicolas Maduro means that Venezuela’s oil production is likely to continue its seemingly inexorable slide. Involuntary output declines in those two countries have accounted for half of the reduction in total OPEC output since October.


Involuntary Cuts
Iran and Venezuela have accounted for half the drop in OPEC output since October

Source: Bloomberg, OPEC

Two of the three major oil forecasting groups – the U.S. Energy Information Administration and OPEC – already see global oil balances in deficit this year. Only the International Energy Agency sees a small build in stockpiles. That creates a difficult decision for the oil ministers.

Draining Stockpiles
The IEA is now the only agency not forecasting a stock draw in 2019, as Iran and Venezuela pull OPEC output lower

Source: Bloomberg, IEA, EIA, OPEC

With Brent crude in the “comfort zone” of $70-75 a barrel, countries like Russia will press for a relaxation of output restraint when the deal comes up for discussion in June. But with U.S. inventories continuing to build and uncertainty over the strength of oil demand growth in the face of a deepening U.S.-China trade war, Saudi Arabia appears to favor extending the deal yet again, setting up a potential conflict between the de-facto leaders of the OPEC+ group.

Saudi Arabia has plenty of room to boost its own production to offset losses from Iran and Venezuela, while still remaining below its agreed target level. That’s because it has cut output much further than it agreed to in the last few months. The same is not true for Russia, or the other Persian Gulf Arab countries that hold spare capacity but are already producing as much as they are permitted. They need higher output targets if they are to continue abiding by the deal.


Room to Increase
Saudi Arabia has lots of room to raise output without overshooting its OPEC+ target. Others don't.

Source: Bloomberg, OPEC

And then there’s Iran and Venezuela.

Their oil production is in free-fall and likely to drop further due, at least in large part, to U.S. sanctions. The days when they could have expected solidarity from their OPEC partners against an external threat are long gone. While they may rail against certain OPEC countries acting in concert with the U.S. against them, there is little they can do about it.

Neither is willing to leave an organization they helped create and to do so would be an empty gesture in any case. OPEC decisions require unanimity, so they could veto any change in output policy that harms their interests. But they may end up finding that the best they can do is to agree with the Saudis that collective output restraint needs to be maintained.

Tonight’s meeting will decide nothing, but it should provide some clues on how the various camps will line up for June’s gathering. In the meantime, oil prices will continue to be pulled by Middle East geopolitics and U.S.-China economics – and President Donald Trump’s tweets on both.


— With assistance by Elaine He

This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.

To contact the author of this story:
Julian Lee at jlee1627@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story:
Jennifer Ryan at jryan13@bloomberg.net
 

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Venezuela’s Opposition Leader Juan Guaidó May Negotiate With Maduro

Venezuela’s Opposition Leader Juan Guaidó May Negotiate With Maduro
By Anatoly Kurmanaev

May 21, 2019
Venezuela’s opposition leader, Juan Guaidó, center, greeting supporters after speaking at a rally in Caracas this month.Rodrigo Abd/Associated Press

merlin_154702965_2a37883b-b2fc-4091-84c3-d8ed5611ac96-articleLarge.jpg

Venezuela’s opposition leader, Juan Guaidó, center, greeting supporters after speaking at a rally in Caracas this month.Rodrigo Abd/Associated Press
CARACAS, Venezuela — It was a daring gambit: Juan Guaidó, Venezuela’s opposition leader, stood by a military base alongside dozens of uniformed officers and political allies, calling for a military uprising against President Nicolás Maduro.

Three weeks later, Mr. Guaidó is shuttling among a half-dozen safe houses to escape capture. Most of the men who stood with him by the base that day, and many of the legislators who support him, are in jail or sheltering in foreign embassies. Soldiers routinely shut down the National Assembly that Mr. Guaidó leads.

And the protests that filled the streets with Mr. Guaidó’s supporters are dwindling as Venezuelans, struggling with a crumbling economy and shortages of food, gasoline and medication, return to the business of surviving.

Weakened and unable to bring the political crisis gripping Venezuela to a quick resolution, Mr. Guaidó has been forced to consider negotiations with Mr. Maduro. Both sides have sent representatives to Norway for talks, a concession Mr. Guaidó previously rejected.

This change is a turning point for the opposition, which in January had gathered momentum, attracting broad international backing and huge crowds of supporters. Now, that momentum is dissipating — a testament to Mr. Maduro’s hold on power even as the country crumbles around him.

Rafael Del Rosario, an adviser to Mr. Guaidó, fled to Colombia after his neighbors said intelligence officers were looking for him.Federico Rios Escobar for The New York Times

merlin_155006289_f74023c8-b42a-4231-bf0e-8699a1a8d1a2-articleLarge.jpg

Rafael Del Rosario, an adviser to Mr. Guaidó, fled to Colombia after his neighbors said intelligence officers were looking for him.Federico Rios Escobar for The New York Times
In public, Mr. Guaidó remains upbeat and unwavering. At flash rallies around the capital, Caracas, he implores supporters to keep up the protests. But during an interview, he acknowledged that the opposition’s capacity to operate is hurting.

“The persecution has been savage,” he said in the empty hallway of one of the safe houses he uses.

More than 50 countries — including the United States, Canada and most members of the European Union — recognized Mr. Guaidó as the country’s legitimate president in January, calling Mr. Maduro’s re-election for a second term fraudulent.

Since then, several countries that support Mr. Guaidó have expressed an openness to other approaches to ending the political paralysis in Venezuela — a big shift from the urgent international calls for Mr. Maduro’s removal four months ago.

United States sanctions are ravaging Venezuela’s vital oil sector and imports, making it increasingly difficult for Mr. Maduro to govern. The country largely ground to a halt over the weekend because of a lack of fuel — a shortage that Mr. Maduro has blamed the sanctions for.

Six years of recession, however, have made Mr. Maduro adept at managing, if not solving, cascading crises. He is now betting that repression and fatigue will destroy Mr. Guaidó’s support before sanctions force his government out of power, Mr. Seijas said.

“The government feels that the time is in their favor, and they are not necessarily wrong,” Mr. Seijas said. “Neither side can strong-arm the other, but the government feels this situation is something they can manage and control.”

Opposition leaders said they would continue working to remove Mr. Maduro and set up a transitional government from the safe houses and embassies where they have sought shelter.

Members of Venezuela’s national police force near the National Assembly building in Caracas.Ivan Alvarado/Reuters

merlin_154840785_dad29e58-6d2b-489b-8f8b-fa05c12449c8-articleLarge.jpg

Members of Venezuela’s national police force near the National Assembly building in Caracas.Ivan Alvarado/Reuters
“The goal now is not to become a political martyr by getting arrested,” said Juan Andrés Mejía, a lawmaker from Mr. Guaidó’s Popular Will Party who went into hiding after the government stripped him of parliamentary immunity last week. “The goal is to bring about a transitional government. I’m focused now on making sure the work we started doesn’t stop.”

But it is difficult for opposition members in hiding to keep up the grass-roots work that they say is essential to maintaining popular support. And after the rebellion’s failure, their goal of removing Mr. Maduro does seem further away, said Mr. Guaidó’s deputy chief of staff, Rafael Del Rosario.

When Mr. Del Rosario’s neighbors told him intelligence officers had come knocking on his door last month, he chose exile over the threat of arrest and got on the first flight to Bogotá, the capital of Colombia. He carried nothing but three pairs of underwear and a borrowed sweater.

“I have to keep fighting because I know this will fall, but I understand I can be spending a long time here,” he said in an interview in his rented Airbnb apartment in Bogotá.

Mr. Del Rosario’s wife and two small children followed him the next day, crossing a river into Colombia at night by foot with the help of soldiers sympathetic to Mr. Guaidó’s cause.

Since then, the family has lived off donations, help from family members and hospitality from sympathizers. The only money they have is $300 in cash savings that Mr. Del Rosario’s wife, Astrid Zuleta, grabbed from the house before leaving.

More than 3.7 million Venezuelans have fled the country’s worsening conditions, according to the United Nations refugee agency. About 1.3 million of them are, like the Del Rosarios, in Colombia.

“Here, I’m just one more Venezuelan,” Mr. Del Rosario said.

Isayen Herrera contributed reporting.
 
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