Faces of Ancient Egypt

Ty Daniels

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When more research is done on the Green Sahara and all the water ways that were there, they'll still say Black Africans didn't come that far :smugfavre:

h59mrjhmcmy61.jpg


Exactly Breh,

All of this was interconnected, Multiple mega lakes(Mega Chad), rivers ("Yellow Nile"/ Wadi Howar).

There was even a West African Crocodile that was Revered in Ancient Egypt

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_African_crocodile

The people of ancient Egypt worshiped Sobek, a crocodile-god associated with fertility, protection, and the power of the pharaoh.[20] They had an ambivalent relationship with Sobek, as they did (and do) with C. suchus: sometimes they hunted crocodiles and reviled Sobek, and sometimes they saw him as a protector and source of pharaonic power. C. suchus was known to be more docile than the Nile crocodile and was chosen by the ancient Egyptians for spiritual rites, including mummification. DNA testing found that all sampled mummified crocodiles from the grotto of Thebes, grotto of Samoun, and Upper Egypt belonged to this species[6] whereas the ones from a burial pit at Qubbet el-Hawa are believed on the basis of anatomy to consist of a mix of the two species.[21]


The Idea that the Sahara Desert ever was a barrier is some silly dumb shyt, it isn't a barrier now, there are people who live in, and traverse the desert now.

Not to mention, the travel via the Sahel.

Even Mansa Musa(1324 AD) was able to travel from Mali to Egypt and Mecca and Back.

"Anatomically Modern Humans" originated in "Sub Saharan Africa", they had to "Pass the Sahara" to eventually go on and populate the world.

Most people talking about this subject are clueless.

The founding of Ancient Egypt/Nile Valley civilization(Sudan, Kush, Nubia, etc..), was literally contingent on people migrating out of the Sahara(Green Sahara)

Egypt and Morocco were the main corridors for Black Africans to migrate out of Africa to populate the Earth.

Black Africans migrated to"North Africa" and lived there for Hundreds of thousands of Years, before some starting migrating out via Egypt and Morocco (and the Red Sea/Horn area).
 
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Ish Gibor

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Breh,

Even the primary/Dominate Sickle Cell trait in Egypt (Ancient and Modern), is the West African variant (Benin).

The Great Lakes, Green Sahara, and Nile Valley all have connections to wider Africa, and all are integral parts of understanding African History.

Gemini AI, R-V88 is found amongst Siwa berbers from West Egypt and berbers in the Sahel Sahara region:

R-V88 Haplogroup: A Genetic Link Between Siwa Berbers and Sahelian Populations​


"The Y-DNA haplogroup R-V88 is indeed found among the Siwa Berbers of Western Egypt and various Berber populations in the Sahel-Sahara region, serving as a significant genetic marker that connects these geographically distinct groups. This paternal lineage's presence points to ancient migratory patterns and shared ancestry across North Africa and the Sahel.

Genetic studies, most notably the work of Cruciani et al. (2010), have been pivotal in identifying the distribution of R-V88. Their research revealed a surprisingly high frequency of this haplogroup in the Siwa Oasis, an isolated Berber-speaking community in western Egypt.

Approximately 27% of Siwan males carry the R-V88 marker, a figure that stands out in the broader North African genetic landscape, which is predominantly characterized by the E1b1b haplogroup.

Beyond the Siwa Oasis, haplogroup R-V88 is found in significant concentrations in the Central Sahel, particularly among Chadic-speaking populations. This strong presence in the Sahel, coupled with its occurrence in specific North African Berber groups, has led researchers to propose a trans-Saharan connection. The prevailing theory suggests a back-migration from Asia into Africa, with the carriers of R-V88 moving southwards across the Sahara.

The distribution of R-V88 is not uniform across Berber populations. While prominent in the Siwa community, its frequency varies among other Berber groups in the Sahel and Sahara. This patchy distribution suggests complex demographic histories and interactions with other populations. The presence of R-V88 in both the northern and southern edges of the Sahara desert highlights the historical role of this vast expanse not just as a barrier, but also as a corridor for human migration.

The study of R-V88 provides valuable insights into the peopling of North Africa and the Sahel, revealing ancient connections that predate many of the more recent historical movements in the region. The shared presence of this haplogroup among the Siwa Berbers and their distant southern counterparts in the Sahel underscores the deep and complex tapestry of genetic heritage that defines the populations of this vast and historically dynamic region."


Second statement by Gemini: Yes, that is an accurate statement and a key finding in human population genetics.

"The presence of the Y-DNA haplogroup R-V88 is a significant genetic link between the isolated Siwa Berbers of western Egypt and various populations in the Sahel-Sahara region, including some Berber groups like the Tuareg.
Here's a brief explanation of why this is important:
  1. The "Green Sahara" Connection: The leading theory suggests that this shared genetic marker is a relic of migrations that occurred during the African humid period (often called the "Green Sahara"), which ended around 6,000 years ago. During this time, the Sahara was a savanna teeming with life, allowing for human movement across it.
  2. A Trans-Saharan Migration: Researchers believe that carriers of the R-V88 haplogroup migrated across this once-fertile land. This ancient population left a genetic footprint in isolated pockets in the north, like the Siwa Oasis, and more widely among populations south of the Sahara, particularly in the Lake Chad basin.
  3. Genetic Outlier: The high frequency of R-V88 in Siwa makes them a genetic outlier compared to most other North African Berber populations, who are predominantly characterized by the E-M81 haplogroup. This makes the shared R-V88 link to the Sahel even more remarkable.
In essence, R-V88 serves as a paternal genetic bridge across the Sahara, connecting these geographically distant populations and testifying to an era when the desert was a corridor, not a barrier."








“The inheritance of genetic disease depends on ancestry that must be considered when interpreting genetic association studies and can provide insights when comparing traits in a population. We compared the genetic profiles of African Americans with sickle cell disease to those of Black Africans and Caucasian populations of European descent and found that they are less genetically admixed than other African Americans and have an ancestry similar to Yorubans, Mandenkas and Bantu”

(Nadia Solovieff et al., Ancestry of African Americans with sickle cell disease, Blood Cells Mol Dis.)
 
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Ish Gibor

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Exactly Breh,

All of this was interconnected, Multiple mega lakes(Mega Chad), rivers ("Yellow Nile"/ Wadi Howar).

There was even a West African Crocodile that was Revered in Ancient Egypt

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_African_crocodile

The people of ancient Egypt worshiped Sobek, a crocodile-god associated with fertility, protection, and the power of the pharaoh.[20] They had an ambivalent relationship with Sobek, as they did (and do) with C. suchus: sometimes they hunted crocodiles and reviled Sobek, and sometimes they saw him as a protector and source of pharaonic power. C. suchus was known to be more docile than the Nile crocodile and was chosen by the ancient Egyptians for spiritual rites, including mummification. DNA testing found that all sampled mummified crocodiles from the grotto of Thebes, grotto of Samoun, and Upper Egypt belonged to this species[6] whereas the ones from a burial pit at Qubbet el-Hawa are believed on the basis of anatomy to consist of a mix of the two species.[21]


The Idea that the Sahara Desert ever was a barrier is some silly dumb shyt, it isn't a barrier now, there are people who live in, and traverse the desert now.

Not to mention, the travel via the Sahel.

Even Mansa Musa(1324 AD) was able to travel from Mali to Egypt and Mecca and Back.

"Anatomically Modern Humans" originated in "Sub Saharan Africa", they had to "Pass the Sahara" to eventually go on and populate the world.

Most people talking about this subject are clueless.

The founding of Ancient Egypt/Nile Valley civilization(Sudan, Kush, Nubia, etc..), was literally contingent on people migrating out of the Sahara(Green Sahara)

Egypt and Morocco were the main corridors for Black Africans to migrate out of Africa to populate the Earth.

Black Africans migrated to"North Africa" and lived there for Hundreds of thousands of Years, before some starting migrating out via Egypt and Morocco (and the Red Sea/Horn area).
I have been to Sobek, it was amazing.


A side note, when I asked Gemini AI about the SLC45A2 gene.



Of course. The connection between the amino acid Leucine at position 374 (L374) and darker skin in African populations is a key finding in human genetics. It relates to the SLC45A2 gene.

The L374 allele of the SLC45A2 gene is strongly associated with darker skin pigmentation. This is in contrast to the F374 allele, which is linked to lighter skin.

Here's a breakdown of the key points:
  • Gene and Protein: The SLC45A2 gene encodes a protein called MATP (Membrane-Associated Transporter Protein), which is crucial for melanin synthesis. Melanin is the pigment that determines skin, hair, and eye color.
  • Alleles and Pigmentation:
    • The L374 allele (leucine at position 374) is associated with darker pigmentation.
    • The F374 allele (phenylalanine at position 374) is associated with lighter pigmentation.
  • Population Distribution: The L374 allele is very common in African populations and is considered a marker for dark skin. Conversely, the F374 allele is nearly fixed (meaning it's present at a very high frequency) in populations of European descent, where it contributes to pale skin, likely as an adaptation to lower UV radiation and the need for Vitamin D synthesis.
  • Genetic Variation: The difference between these two alleles is a single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP), specifically a change from a C to a T at a certain position in the gene. This small change results in a different amino acid (leucine vs. phenylalanine) and affects the function of the MATP protein, ultimately influencing the amount of melanin produced.
 
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Ish Gibor

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When more research is done on the Green Sahara and all the water ways that were there, they'll still say Black Africans didn't come that far :smugfavre:

h59mrjhmcmy61.jpg

What Gemini AI explained:

"Research into the Green Sahara, also known as the African Humid Period, has revealed a vast network of ancient waterways, including mega-lakes and rivers. This period, roughly from 11,000 to 5,000 years ago, saw a dramatically different climate in North Africa, with savannahs, grasslands, and a rich abundance of life.

The archaeological and genetic evidence overwhelmingly supports the presence of human populations, including what are today referred to as Black Africans, across this entire region during the Green Sahara period. The Sahara was not a barrier but a corridor, facilitating the movement of people, animals, and cultures.

Genetic studies have traced the deep roots of various populations across Africa, showing a long history of migration and interaction. Archaeological sites like those in Gobero, Niger, have provided direct evidence of human habitation and burial practices during the Green Sahara period, with skeletal remains showing connections to modern-day West African populations.

The notion that Black Africans did not venture far into the Sahara during this time is not supported by the current scientific consensus. Instead, the evidence points to a much more interconnected and mobile ancient Africa, with the Green Sahara playing a crucial role in shaping the continent's history and human diversity."




"Evidence increasingly suggests that sub-Saharan Africa is at the center of human evolution and understanding routes of dispersal “out of Africa” is thus becoming increasingly important. The Sahara Desert is considered by many to be an obstacle to these dispersals and a Nile corridor route has been proposed to cross it. Here we provide evidence that the Sahara was not an effective barrier and indicate how both animals and humans populated it during past humid phases. Analysis of the zoogeography of the Sahara shows that more animals crossed via this route than used the Nile corridor. Furthermore, many of these species are aquatic. This dispersal was possible because during the Holocene humid period the region contained a series of linked lakes, rivers, and inland deltas comprising a large interlinked waterway, channeling water and animals into and across the Sahara, thus facilitating these dispersals. This system was last active in the early Holocene when many species appear to have occupied the entire Sahara. However, species that require deep water did not reach northern regions because of weak hydrological connections. Human dispersals were influenced by this distribution; Nilo-Saharan speakers hunting aquatic fauna with barbed bone points occupied the southern Sahara, while people hunting Savannah fauna with the bow and arrow spread southward. The dating of lacustrine sediments show that the “green Sahara” also existed during the last interglacial (∼125 ka) and provided green corridors that could have formed dispersal routes at a likely time for the migration of modern humans out of Africa."

pnas.1012231108fig1.jpg



"Late Pleistocene and early Holocene palaeohydrology of the Sahara (∼11 to 8 ka). The catchments of the megalakes that form corridors across the Sahara are indicated with letters A–D, while the river catchments that link with many of these megalake basins to form the vast Saharan inland waterway are indicated with letters E–I: (A) Lake Megachad, (B) Lake Megafezzan, (C) Ahnet-Mouydir Megalake, (D) the Basin of the Chotts, (E) Senegal River, (F) Nile River, (G) Sahabi River, (H) Kufra River, and (I) Niger River. Numbers indicate the location of fan, tectonic and lake outflow links between basins: (1) Nile Basin/Chad Basin, (2) Chad Basin/Niger Basin, (3) Niger Basin/Senegal Basin, (4) Niger/Basin West Ahaggar Mountains, (5) West Ahaggar Mountains/Ahnet-Mouydir Basin, (6) Ahnet-Mouydir Basin/Chotts Basin, (7) Chotts Basin/Fezzan Basin, (8) Fezzan Basin/Serir Tibesti, and (9) Serir Tibesti/Kufra Basin. The 200-mm isohyet indicates the current limit of the Sahara Desert."

pnas.1012231108fig2.jpg


"Late Pleistocene and early Holocene palaeohydrology and biogeography of the Sahara (∼11 to 8 ka). (A) Biogeographic provinces for the African fish species are indicated (1 Sudanian, 2 Upper Guinean, 3 Eburneo-Guinean, 4 Lower Guinean, 5 Congo, 6 Maghrebian) along with the distribution of Tilapia zillii, both recently, as indicated by the hatched area and from marking the location of Saharan refuges, and during the Holocene, as indicated by fossils and rock art. A trans-Sahara distribution is evident, both across the Sahara and down the Nile. (B) Distribution of Hippopotamus amphibious both historically (∼1 ka) as shown by the hatched area and during the Holocene by marking the location of older historical sightings, fossils, and rock art. A distribution restricted to the River Nile and the southern-central Sahara is evident."


pnas.1012231108fig3.jpg



"Sahara palaeohydrology overlaid with the spatial distribution of Ounanian and barbed bone points and Nilo-Saharan languages. The languages marked as “other” are too small to be depicted as separate colors; they are Nyimang, Temein, Hill Nubian, Daju, Berta, and Gumuz. Note the similarity between the distribution of barbed bone points and the distribution of species that require deep water (Fig. 2B and SI Appendix, Figs. S12 and S13)."


pnas.1012231108fig4.jpg


"Palaeohydrology of North Africa during MIS5 with the location of dated sites marked. The hatched area covers catchments containing large palaeolakes and thus represents the minimum area which experienced considerably enhanced humidity during MIS5."








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3rdWorld

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When more research is done on the Green Sahara and all the water ways that were there, they'll still say Black Africans didn't come that far :smugfavre:

h59mrjhmcmy61.jpg

So glad you brought up Africa's now extinct lakes and rivers..and not just in the Green Sahara, but all the way to the Kgalagadi/Namib deserts in the Southern most part of Africa.

Khoi San genetic markers have been discovered in predynastic populations of ancient Kemet.
These vast rivers that probably connected to the Nile enabled people across Africa to sail across their continent from South to North with ease.
 

3rdWorld

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British museum thieves caught red handed breaking noses of statues.

 
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Ish Gibor

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What you didn't know about this Old Kingdom mummy





“Overall, when the Egyptian crania are evaluated in a Near Eastern (Lachish) versus African (Kerma, Jebel Moya, Ashanti) context, the affinity is with the Africans.”

(S.O.Y. Keita, Studies and Comments on Ancient Egyptian Biological Relationships, History in Africa Vol. 20 (1993), pp. 129-154, and International Journal of Anthropology volume 10, pages 107–123 (1995))



"The proposal that Lachish was comprised of Egyptian immigrants (Risdon, 1939) was not supported. Rather, the current findings support the theory that the people of Lachish were indigenous to the southern Levant (Keith, 1940; Arensburg, 1973; Arensburg etal., 1980; Smith, 1995), as Dothan and Lachish were both significantly different from Lisht. Dothan, however, may have had slightly more Egyptian genetic influence than Lachish. The location of Dothan along a major international highway between Egypt and Mesopotamia (as well as the Mediterranean and Mesopotamia) during the Late Bronze Age may shed light on this finding (Mullins, 2002).

Teeth from Dothan and Lachish show more resemblance with each other than they did with Iron Age Italy, Byzantine St. Stephen’s, or the Natufians. There were significant differences between Dothan and Lachish in individual traits; however, the two sites showed overall similarity. Dentally, there was no evidence of a markedly different foreign population in the Iron Age southern Levant. These data support the view that material culture changes in the Iron Age cannot be explained simply by the arrival of markedly different peoples into the region. Although dentally similar new groups might have introduced novel cultural traits, this issue cannot be fully evaluated with the present database, as other biological systems need to be considered."

(Ullinger JM, Sheridan SG, Hawkey DE, Turner CG, Cooley R, Bioarchaeological analysis of cultural transition in the southern Levant using dental nonmetric traits)

“Vaughn criticizes the new position of Lipschits and others as one primarily from silence and assumption. Thus, Vaughn argues that all the lmlk handles discovered at Lachish show evidence of a late eighth-century origin. (This older consensus had been brought into question because of the excavation history at Lachish.) While Vaughn argues that the whole lmlk system begins and ends with Hezekiah, he and Lipschits agree that it testifies to a strong, centralized government in Judah at the end of the eighth century.
[..]
Historical developments in Judah were very different. Most of the major Iron IIB Israelite cities, like Lachish, Beersheba, and Beth-Shemesh, were destroyed by the Assyrians (Ussishkin 2004, 71; NEAEHL 5, 1648), and although Judah also became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire, it was of only minor importance for most of the seventh century (Machinist 1992, 74). While Lachish did undergo a resur- gence at the end of the seventh century (Ussishkin 2004, 91), Beersheba survived as only a small off-tell settlement (Gophna and Yisraeli 1973, 115–16) and Beth- Shemesh was not resettled at all (Bunimovitz and Lederman 2011, 48).”

(Zev I. Farber and Jacob L. Wright - Archaeology and History of Eighth-Century Judah, Ancient Near East Monographs).


“Haplogroup L2a1 was found in two specimens from the Southern Levant Pre-Pottery Neolithic B site at Tell Halula, Syria, dating from the period between ca. 9600 and ca. 8000 BP or 7500-6000BCE”

(Fernández, E. et al., MtDNA analysis of ancient samples from Castellón (Spain): Diachronic variation and genetic relationships, International Congress Series, vol. 1288 (April 2006), pp. 127-129)

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0531513105016353
 
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Ish Gibor

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The Iberomaurusian Culture: An Infographic canvas made with Gemini AI.

 

Ish Gibor

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I found this old post by accident, but it very relevant in terms of the recent findings of the Nuerat Man.

The Egyptian Predynastic: A review of the evidence

by Professor Kathryn Bard (Journal of Field Archaeology, Fall 1994; reproduced with the permission of the "Trustees of Boston University and the Journal of Field Archaeology")


"Egyptian contact in the 4th millennium B.C. with SW Asia is undeniable, but the effect of this contact on state formation in Egypt is less clear (Wenke 1991: 301). There is the archaeological evidence of Palestinian wares at Maadi and later Abydos (Tomb U0j), and also Nagada classes of pottery and stone vessels in forms resembling Palestinian prototypes (wavy-handles and ledge-handles). Cylinder seals of Egyptian manufacture, which undeniably originated in Mesopotamia, are found in a few late Predynastic graves (see Kantor 1952: 246), and Uruk culture architectural elements have recently been excavated at Tell el-Fara'in/Buto (see von der Way 1992b: 220-223). The unified state which emerged in Egypt in the 3rd millennium B.C., however, is unlike the polities in Mesopotamia, the Levant, northern Syria, or Early Bronze Age Palestine - in sociopolitical organization, material culture, and belief system. There was undoubtedly heightened commercial contact with SW Asia in the late 4th millennium B.C., but the Early Dynastic state which emerged in Egypt was unique and indigenous in character.
wink.gif
"


Part 1

Originally posted by Super car:

Originally posted by ausar:


Just wanted to bring attention to people about the dyanstic race of the ancient Egyptians. This theory was started by Petrie that during the Naqada II period that some invading group from Mesopotamia came and civilized the ancient Egyptians. Most modern Egyptologist have rejected this view,but some British Egyptologist still hold on to this view. Most agree that the formation of the dyanstic civlization occured somewhere around the late Naqada IIIc period...

I posted something on this earlier, in the "Cradle" thread. Those who speak of Mesopotamian connection in this manner, do so, because they don't fully explore the available evidence. Moreover, Egypt is by far the older state than Mesopotamia:


What about early evidence of social hierarchy? Burial customs suggestive of social hierarchy, an element of highly complex cultures, and evidence of state formation:

…several parallels may be drawn between the Pre-Kerma settlement and the ancient city of Kerma, whose earliest structures date from around 2300 to 2200 cal. BC. This town displayed certain architectural traditions which were inherited from the preceding period, such as huts, storage pits and palisades. But this was the full extent of the similarities: the dominant architectural forms at Kerma were built of mud bricks, which were apparently unknown during the Pre-Kerma period. The buildings were generally rectangular and possessed internal subdivisions. This spatial organisation reveals a desire for urbanism, with monumental buildings and a system of hierarchised streets and passages. All these elements were new to Nubian architecture. We are still lacking the intermediate stages, and need to define the importance of influences from the Egyptian civilisation. http://rmcisadu.let.uniroma1.it/nubiaconference/honegger.doc

The Egyptian Predynastic: A review of the evidence

by Professor Kathryn Bard (Journal of Field Archaeology, Fall 1994; reproduced with the permission of the "Trustees of Boston University and the Journal of Field Archaeology")


In the 4th millenium B.C. two different Predynastic cultures, both of which practiced agriculture, evolved in Egypt: the Nagada culture in the south and the Maadi culture in the north. settlement sites of the latter are much better preserved, but in the south, where most of the archaeological evidence is from cemeteries, there is much greater evidence for the evolution of social hierarchies and complex societies. A review of the archaeological evidence for the Predynastic suggests that the early state had its cultural origins in the south, although the processes involved in the emergence of the state in Egypt can only be hypothesized at this time.


Recent studies suggest that in northern Egypt the Predynastic Maadi culture evolved from indigenous Neolithic cultures. According to Rizkana and Seeher (1987: 78), the Maadi culture


represents a continuation of the Lower Egypt cultural tradition, which since Neolithic times at the earliest bore a strong character of its own, only distantly related to the cultures of Upper Egypt.


Sites with Maadi ceramics extend from Buto near the Mediterranean to south of Cairo, and in the Fayum region as far south as Sedment (Rizkana and Seeher 1987: 63). The full distribution of Maadi sites and their dates, however, have yet to be established.
In Upper Egypt the origins of the Predynastic Nagada culture are probably to be found among indigenous hunter-gatherers and fisherman living along the Nile. As arid conditions developed in the Eastern and Western Deserts ca. 6000-5000 B.C., cattle pastoralists (?) were increasingly forced into the Nile Valley where they eventually "merged" with indigenous groups (Hassan 1985a: 327). At the site of el-Tarif in western Thebes, in an earlier stratum than those of a Nagada culture settlement, were artifacts that have been identified as belonging to the Tarifian (Ginter and Kozlowski 1984: 257, 259), a very different culture with distinctive ceramics. According to the excavators, the Tarifian level at El-Tarif suggests a settlement more like Paleolithic camps (Ginter and Kozlowski 1984: 257), but possibly belonging to a transitional Epipaleolithic/Neolithic culture in Upper Egypt that evolved into the more complex Nagada culture as the economy became increasingly dependent on farming.

With the rise of the Nagada culture in Upper Egypt in the early 4th millennium B.C., simple farming communities evolved into more complex societies. Archaeological evidence, mainly from cemeteries, suggests a core area of the Nagada culture that extended from Abydos in the north to Hierakonpolis in the south; but Nagada sites also exist on the east bank in the Badari region and in the Fayum. Major centers developed at Abydos, Nagada, Hierakonpolis (Nekton), and possibly at Uh (Dispels Parka). In Lower Nub there are numerous A-Group burials which contain many Nagada craft goods probably obtained through trade, but the nature of Egyptian Predynastic/A-Group relations (see Nordstroom 1972: 24; smith 1991: 108; Trigger 1976: 33) is beyond the scope of the present study.


Exploring "Cradle" further - EgyptSearch Forums

(1/4)
 
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Ish Gibor

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Part 2

Originally posted by Super car:

Originally posted by ausar:

By ca. 3050 B.C. the Early Dynastic state had emerged in Egypt, controlling much of Nile Valley from the Delta to the First Cataract at Aswan. The beginning of the First Dynasty was only about 1000 years after the earliest farming villages appeared on the Nile, so the Predynastic period, during the 4th millennium B.C., was one of fairly rapid social and political evolution.


The reason why there is relatively little settlement evidence from Upper Egypt is probably due in part to earlier excavators' priorities. Located on the low desert, Predynastic cemeteries with well preserved burials, some of which contained many grave goods in sometimes exotic materials, were simply of greater interest to excavate than settlements which had been disturbed by digging for sebbakh (organic remains used for fertlizer) or destroyed by expanding cultivation on the floodplain. Unless permanent architecture was detected, such as mud-brick walls excavated by Petrie at Nagada's South Town, more ephemeral Predynastic settlements, which left mainly dense scatters of sherds, such as Petrie describes at Abadiyeh, were interpreted as having been destroyed (Petrie 1901a: 32). In any case, archaeologists did not have the excavation techniques to understand such site and their formation processes.


Only more recently has interest in Upper Egypt shifted to the detailed excavation of Predynastic settlements. But such settlements, located on spurs above the floodplain, are deflated, with little or no evidence of permanent architecture. Missing, or perhaps deposited under alluvium, are large (fortified?) sites on higher ground of the floodplain, such as Kemp (1989: 33) posits; an exception is Nekhen, probably founded on a Nile levee, as shown by coring and sondage in 1984 (Hoffman, Hamroush, and Allen 1986: 181).


Because of alluviation, continuous cultivation, geological conditions in Upper Egypt, and the present dense occupation along the river we may never know much about settlement patterns except from sites preserved above the floodplain.


In northern Egypt, where Predynastic burials of the Maadi culture are relatively unspectacular, with only a few pots, or no burial goods at all, earlier excavations focused equally on settlements. But settlements in the north focused may also have been better preserved than in the south. Evidence at Maadi of rectangular buildings and subterranean structures suggests good preservation of architecture constructed mainly of wattle and matting (Rizkana and Seeher 1989: 75). Conditions for preservation of stratified remains in the Delta and its margins may be the best in Egypt, if reports of recent excavations there are correct (Chlodnicki, Fattovich, and Salvatori 1991; Eiwanger 1988; van den Brink 1988; von der Way 1987, 1988, 1989).


Since cemeteries in Egypt, both Predynastic and Dynastic, are located in the low desert above the floodplain, unlike the location of many early settlements, the cemetery evidence has been much better preserved, and therefore was of much more interest to excavators. Hence, much of Egyptian archaeology has been concerned with the clearance, recording, and conservation of tombs and mortuary monuments, and their artifacts, as well as stone temples located beyond the floodplain. Many of the early scholars who worked in Egypt were philologists whose interests lay in recording texts, or who were trained in fine arts and were attracted to the great art and monumental architecture of pharaonic Egypt. Unequivocally, Petrie can be considered the first archaeologist working in Egypt: he developed specific methods for excavating and was concerned with recording the context and period of the excavated materials. Not only was his Sequence Dating system a major contribution to archaeological method, but at the time it represented a way of thinking about artifacts other than simply as art objects.


Cemetery data, such as Petrie's from Nagada, have been useful for studying the rise of hierarchical society in Egypt (Bard 1989a), as well as for interpretations of symbolic systems (Bard 1992)…

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Ish Gibor

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Part 3

Originally posted by Super car:

Originally posted by ausar:


More recently such research has concentrated on the settlement archaeology of prehistoric periods, within a regional framework. Research, such as Hassan's in the Nagada region and Hoffman's long-term project at Hierakonpolis, has focused less on the mortuary evidence, as Petrie did, and more on subsistence strategies in the transition from early farming communities to the formation of a state…


Nine more cemetery areas, dating from Nagada I through Nagada III, have also been located elsewhere in the Hierakonpolis region, and Adams and Hoffman (1987: 196, 198) estimate there were several thousand Predynastic graves in the region. One cemetery area (Locality 6), located 2.5km up the Great Wadi, contained more than 2000 Nagada I-II burials, and large Nagada "Protodynastic" tombs, up to 22.75 sq m. in floor area (Adams and Hoffman 1987: 196, 202). Burials of elephants, hippopotami, crocodiles, baboons, cattle, sheep, goats, and dogs have also been excavated SW of a stone-cut tomb in the western part of this cemetery (Hoffman 1983: 50). One of the largest tombs, tomb 11, though looted, retained fragments of beads in carnelian, garnet, turquoise, faience, gold, and silver. Also in this tomb were artifacts carved in lapis lazuli and ivory, obsidian and crystal blades, "Protodynastic" pottery, and a wooden bed with carved bulls' feet (Adams and Hoffman 1987: 178).

Evidence of postholes demonstrates that superstructures once covered some of the large tombs in Locality 6, and these tombs were surrounded by fences (Hoffman 1983: 49). Possibly a kind of perishable structure was built over some of the tombs, similar to the house structures Hoffman excavated. If so, then this may be the earliest association of large elite tombs with a superstructure that symbolized a house/shrine for the deceased. Hoffman (1983: 49) states that the Locality 6 tombs belonged to the Protodynastic rulers of Hierakonpolis, and speculates that the largest tomb there was that of King Scorpion. Hence, the Locality 6 tombs suggest that in the Nagada III period at Hierakonpolis there was a new location for the highest status burials, replacing the earlier elite cemetery where the Decorated Tomb (Nagada II) was located.


The best known Predynastic site in the Fayum region is the cemetery at Gerza, from which the term Gerzean (Nagada II) is derived. The site is located on the west bank, about 7 km NE of Medum. compared to the major cemeteries in Upper Egypt this was a small cemetery, with only 288 burials, a high percentage of them undisturbed; 198 of these were of adults and 51 were of infants or children (Petrie, Wainwright and MacKay 1912: 5). The ceramics listed for these burials are typical of the Nagada II period and include the Wavy-handled and Decorated classes. Beads, stone vases, zoomorphic slate palettes, flint knives, and other Nagada II artifacts, some of which were elite goods probably imported from the south, were also found in these graves. (No mention is made by Petrie of a Predynastic settlement at Gerza)…


Harageh, SE of the village of Lahun, was excavated in 1913-1914 by Reginald Engelbach, and consists of two Predynastic cemeteries, G and H. Engelbach (1923: 2) places the date for both cemeteries between S.D. 50-60, based on the pottery in the burials, which includes the Decorated class. Many of the graves were robbed, and there were no slate palettes and very few beads. Wavy-handled class pottery was found only in Cemetery H (Engelbach 1923: 7). Given its low number of burials and relatively few high status grave goods, Harageh was probably only a small Predynastic community with little social differentiation…


Some pottery from Harageh Cemetery H, which Engelbach thought was much later (Pan Graves?), resembles Lower Egyptian Predynastic pottery found at Sedment (Kaiser 1987: 121-122; Williams 1982: 220). The presence of pottery of Lower Egyptian origin at a site in this region is also attested at the cemetery of es-Saff on the east bank opposite Gerza (Habachi and Kaiser 1985: 46). From this evidence it seems likely that the Fayum region was where the two Predynastic cultures of Upper and Lower Egypt first came into contact…


Ancient Egypt is one of the earliest examples of (primary) state formation, and Predynastic data should elucidate general processes which may be applicable to other cases of state formation. but we only have a partial understanding of the Predynastic, based on different types of data in the north and south. Possibly new and forthcoming evidence from the Delta will provide information on the processes of state formation and unification there, but in the south there is the problem of so many missing settlement data, which are needed in order to make theoretical generalizations.


Despite the problem of poorer settlement evidence in Upper Egypt, the emerging picture of Egypt in the 4th millennium B.C. is of two different material cultures with different belief systems: the Predynastic Naqada culture of Upper Egypt and the Maadi culture of Lower Egypt. Archaeological evidence in Lower Egypt consists mainly of settlements, with very simple burials in cemeteries, and suggests a culture different from that of Upper Egypt, where cemeteries with elaborate burials are found. While the rich grave goods in several major cemeteries in Upper Egypt represent the acquired wealth of higher social strata, the economic sources of this wealth cannot be satisfactorily determined because there are so few settlement data, though the larger cemeteries were probably associated with centers of craft production. Trade and exchange of finished goods and luxury materials from the Eastern and Western Deserts and Nubia would also have taken place in such centers. In Lower Egypt, however, settlement data permit a broader reconstruction of the prehistoric economy, which at present does not suggest any great socio-economic complexity.


Differentiation in the Predynastic cemeteries of Upper Egypt (but not Lower Egypt) is symbolic of status display and rivalry (Trigger 1987: 60), which probably represent the earliest processes of competition and the aggrandizement of local polities in Egypt. The importation of exotic materials for craft goods found in burials may have become a political strategy, and the control of prestige goods would have reinforced the position of a chief among his supporters.


Evidence of extensive contact between Upper Egypt and Nubia in later Predynastic times is indicative f the increasing interest in prestige goods. Numerous Nagada culture trade goods have been found at most A-Group sites in Nubia between Kubania in the north and Saras in the south. These include jars that may have contained beer or wine, and Wavy-handled jars. Other Nagada pottery classes are found at A-Group sites, as are Naqada craft goods: copper tools, stone vessels and palettes, linen, and beads of stone and faience (Nordstrom 1972: 24; Smith 1991: 108).


A-group burials are very similar to graves of the Nagada culture, but inspite of similar burials and grave goods Trigger (1976: 33) thinks that the A-Group developed from an indigenous population that was in contact with Upper Egypt and much influenced by Nagada culture. A-Group wares are distinctive, and few A-Group artifacts have been found in Upper Egyptian graves, suggesting that the A-Group acted as middlemen in a trading network with Upper Egypt (Trigger 1976: 39). Luxury materials, such as ivory, ebony, incense, and exotic animal skins, all greatly desired in Dynastic times as well, came from father south and passed through Nubia. Kaiser (1957: 74, fig. 26), however, interprets the A-Group evidence as a "colonial" penetration into Lower Nubia to exploit trade and raw materials (Needler 1984: 29).


In his analysis of the Classic A-Group (contemporaneous with Nagada III) "royal" Cemetery L at Qustal, Williams (1986: 177) proposes another theory: that this cemetery represents Nubian rulers who were responsible for unifying Egypt and founding the early Egyptian state. The A-Group n Nubia, though, appears to have been a separate culture from that of Predynastic Upper Egypt, and the model that may best explain the archaeological evidence is one of accelerated contact between the two regions in later Predynastic times. That the material culture of the Nagada culture was later found in northern Egypt (with no Nubian elements) would seem to argue against William's theory of a Nubian origin for the Early Dynastic state in Egypt.


The unification of Egypt took place in late Predynastic times, but the processes involved in this major transition to the Dynastic state are poorly understood. What is truly unique about this state is the integration of rule over an extensive geographic region, in contrast to the other contemporaneous Near Eastern polities in Nubia, Mesopotamia, Palestine and the Levant. Present evidence suggests that the state which emerged by the First Dynasty had its roots in the Nagada culture of Upper Egypt, where grave types, pottery, and artifacts demonstrate an evolution of form from the Predynastic to the First Dynasty. This cannot be demonstrated in Upper Egypt.


Hierarchical society with much social and economic differentiation, as symbolized in the Nagada II cemeteries of Upper Egypt, does not seem to have been present, then, in Lower Egypt, a fact which also supports an Upper Egyptian origin for the unified state. thus archaeological evidence cannot support the earlier theories that the founders of Egyptian civilization were an invading Dynastic race, from the East (Petrie 1920: 49, 1939: 77; Emery 1967: 38), or from the south, in Nubia (Williams 1986: 177).

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Ish Gibor

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Part 4
Originally posted by Super car:

Originally posted by ausar:


How this transformation was accomplished and the amount of time involved are points of disagreement. Based on an analysis of archaeological evidence, the earliest writing in Egypt, and later king lists, Kaiser (1964: 118, 105-114) proposes that the Nagada culture expanded north in Nagada IIc-d times to sites in the Fayum region (such as the cemetery at Gerza), and then later to the Cairo area and the Delta. The unification, therefore, was much earlier than the period immediately preceding the beginning of the First Dynasty (Kaiser 1964: 114, 1985: 61-62, 1990: 288-289).


Trigger (1987: 61), however, states that if the unification occurred at an early date there would be archaeological evidence from Nagada III burials of a court-centered high culture. Instead, Trigger proposes that the northward expansion of the Nagada culture during Nagada II-III was the result of refugees emigrating from the developing states in the south, or the presence of Nagada traders involved in commerce with SW Asia. While the unification may have been achieved through conquest in the north, an earlier unification of southern polities (Nagada, Hierakonpolis, and Abydos), may have been achieved by a series of alliances (Trigger 1987: 61).


The eventual replacement of Maadi artifacts in the north by a material culture originating in the south may represent military exploits, while colonization by southerner may have occurred in northern regions where there were less well-developed local polities, as at Gerza or Minshat Abu Omar. Guksch (1991: 41) suggests that the Nagada IId ceramic horizon in Lower Egypt represents expanded Upper Egyptian trade into the NE Delta in late Nagada II times, with a (later) militarily-achieved political unification in Nagada III/dynasty 0 times. Possibly there was first a more or less peaceful (?) movement or migration(s) of Nagada culture peoples from south to north that may have been formalized by a later, or concurrent, military presence. A shift in settlement patterns is seen, and by the First Dynasty the north was much more densely inhabited than the south (Mortensen 1991: 24).


Archaeological evidence suggests a system much too complex for the southern expansion to be explained by military conquest alone, and the northern culture may have made important contributions to the unified polity which emerged (Seeher 1991: 318). One result of this expansion throughout northern Egypt would have been a greatly elaborated (state) administration, and by the beginning of the First Dynasty this was managed in part by the invention of writing, used on seals and tags affixed to state goods.


Egyptian contact in the 4th millennium B.C. with SW Asia is undeniable, but the effect of this contact on state formation in Egypt is less clear (Wenke 1991: 301). There is the archaeological evidence of Palestinian wares at Maadi and later Abydos (Tomb U0j), and also Nagada classes of pottery and stone vessels in forms resembling Palestinian prototypes (wavy-handles and ledge-handles). Cylinder seals of Egyptian manufacture, which undeniably originated in Mesopotamia, are found in a few late Predynastic graves (see Kantor 1952: 246), and Uruk culture architectural elements have recently been excavated at Tell el-Fara'in/Buto (see von der Way 1992b: 220-223). The unified state which emerged in Egypt in the 3rd millennium B.C., however, is unlike the polities in Mesopotamia, the Levant, northern Syria, or Early Bronze Age Palestine - in sociopolitical organization, material culture, and belief system. There was undoubtedly heightened commercial contact with SW Asia in the late 4th millennium B.C., but the Early Dynastic state which emerged in Egypt was unique and indigenous in character.
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Given the quality of earlier excavations and publications, and the poor preservation of many settlement data, we still cannot specify how a centralized state emerged in Egypt by 3050 B.C., and explanations for the origin of the early Egyptian state remain hypothetical. Nonetheless, the roots of the major transition from autonomous villages to an early state in Egypt from simple to complex society - are to be found in Upper Egypt at large centers such as Nagada, where Predynastic cemeteries provide the main evidence for this culture.

Posted earlier, here: Exploring "Cradle" further - EgyptSearch Forums


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Ish Gibor

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they deface the important shyt...

a room can be prestine look like no one ever been it ...then they call this nikka
Hawass.jpg



he robs it .. then start defacing shyt...

like if it was peckerwoods back then there.. they would have painted them...they had colors..lol



 
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