O-bam-a: I Can’t Pursue Rep's Because It’s Politically Infeasible

Londilon

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Found a better source:

‘Better Is Good’: Obama on Reparations, Civil Rights, and the Art of the Possible

Theoretically, you can make, obviously, a powerful argument that centuries of slavery, Jim Crow, discrimination are the primary cause for all those gaps. That those were wrongs done to the black community as a whole, and black families specifically, and that in order to close that gap, a society has a moral obligation to make a large, aggressive investment, even if it’s not in the form of individual reparations checks, but in the form of a Marshall Plan, in order to close those gaps. It is easy to make that theoretical argument. But as a practical matter, it is hard to think of any society in human history in which a majority population has said that as a consequence of historic wrongs, we are now going to take a big chunk of the nation’s resources over a long period of time to make that right. You can look at examples like postwar Germany, where reparations were paid to Holocaust victims and families, but—

Coates: They lost the war.

Obama: They lost the war. Small population, finite amount of money that it was going to cost. Not multiple generations but people, in some cases, who are still alive, who can point to, “That was my house. Those were my paintings. Those were my mother’s family jewels.”
If you look at countries like South Africa, where you had a black majority, there have been efforts to tax and help that black majority, but it hasn’t come in the form of a formal reparations program. You have countries like India that have tried to help untouchables, with essentially affirmative-action programs, but it hasn’t fundamentally changed the structure of their societies.

So the bottom line is that it’s hard to find a model in which you can practically administer and sustain political support for those kinds of efforts. And what makes America complicated as well is the degree to which this is not just a black/white society, and it is becoming less so every year. So how do Latinos feel if there’s a big investment just in the African American community, and they’re looking around and saying, “We’re poor as well. What kind of help are we getting?” Or Asian Americans who say, “Look, I’m a first-generation immigrant, and clearly I didn’t have anything to do with what was taking place.” And now you start getting into trying to calibrate—

Coates: Isn’t there just—not to cut you off—isn’t there, and this is out of the role of U.S. president, I’m almost speaking to you as a law professor now, an intellectual, in fact—

Obama: Well, that’s how I was answering the question, because if you want me to talk about politics, I’ll be much more blunt about it.

Coates: I figured that. I thought that was what I was getting.

Obama: I was giving the benefit of playing out, theoretically, how you could think about that.

Coates: And I appreciate that. And the question I would ask is in that situation, to the immigrant who comes here, first generation, and says, “I didn’t do any of this,” but the country is largely here because of that. In other words, many of the benefits that you will actually enjoy are, in fact, in part—I won’t say largely—in part here because of the past. So when you want the benefits, when you invoke the past, that thus you inherit the debt, too—

Obama: Yeah, yeah. I mean, I guess, here’s the way—probably the best way of saying it is that you can make a theoretical, abstract argument in favor of something like reparations. And maybe I’m just not being sufficiently optimistic or imaginative enough—


Coates: You’re supposed to be optimistic!

Obama: Well, I thought I was, but I’m not so optimistic as to think that you would ever be able to garner a majority of an American Congress that would make those kinds of investments above and beyond the kinds of investments that could be made in a progressive program for lifting up all people. So to restate it: I have much more confidence in my ability, or any president or any leader’s ability, to mobilize the American people around a multiyear, multibillion-dollar investment to help every child in poverty in this country than I am in being able to mobilize the country around providing a benefit specific to African Americans as a consequence of slavery and Jim Crow. Now, we can debate the justness of that. But I feel pretty confident in that assessment politically. And, you know, I think that part of my optimism comes from the belief that we as a people could actually, regardless of all the disadvantage of the past, regardless of the fact that a lot of other folks got a head start in the race, if we were able to make the race fair right now, and—


To address the orange I will say he is full of shyt. Black Americans can point to their family tree, archives, historical documentation to point at where they were done wrong. This dude is a massive c00n.
 
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Kokoro

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In a majority white country with a majority white government, hes right its not feasible, politically

Morally feasible but not politically

Other minorities in America, he said, would not find it fair to them.

Other minorities have received them but we havent so what is Obama talking about?
 

Swagnicious

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Oh, shyt.......

uJ3TjC6.gif
 

Londilon

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Didn't the US pay Japanese Americans, Native Americans, Jewish Americans, etc? But blacks, the people they literally dragged across the globe to terrorize and rape can't get rep, we also have one of the smallest populations in the states, but its impossible. :dead:


Get this c00n out of my face.
 

KENNY DA COOKER

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"Other minorities in America, he said, would not find it fair to them."

:mindblown: but OTHER MINORITIES in this country didn't have a legacy of SLAVERY over thier heads which set them back in society

this n1gga and his warped Harvard Law school logic kills me :snoop:
 

Londilon

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Reparation Timeline

chainline



Jan.16, 1865


William Sherman issues Special Field Order #15 (with the War Department's okay), which sets aside land along the Georgia and South Carolina coasts for black settlement. Each family is to receive 40 acres, and sometimes, the loan of army mules.

It was later rescinded.





1865
Congress passes a bill establishing the Freedmen's Bureau to oversee the transition of blacks from slavery to freedom. The bureau controls 850,000 acres of abandoned and confiscated land.






1866 & 1867
Representative Thaddeus Stevens introduces reparations bills in 1866 and 1867. Both houses of Congress approve a bill for reparations, but Andrew Johnson vetoes it.




1915
Cornelius Jones sues the U.S. government, arguing that it had profited from slave labor through a federal tax on cotton. Since the slaves had never been paid, Jones calculates that they were owed $68 million. Jones loses his suit.




1963
In Martin Luther King Jr's book, "Why We Can't Wait", King writes that while "no amount of gold could provide adequate compensation for the exploitation of the Negro in America down through the centuries," a price could be placed on unpaid wages.





1963
Ray Jenkins, a Detroit activist, takes up the reparations battle and forms a one-man organization called Slave Labor Annuity Pay. He distributes leaflets, makes speeches, sends letters to black organizations and personalities. He becomes known as the father of the modern black reparations movement.


1964
Civil Rights Act of 1964 -- Title VII prohibits employment discrimination based on race, sex, national origin, or religion. Title VI prohibits public access discrimination, leading to school desegregation. Title VIII is the original "federal fair housing law," later amended in 1988.



1969
James Forman, director of international affairs with the Student Non- Violent Coordinating Committee, interrupts a service at New York City's Riverside Church to deliver his "Black Manifesto" demanding $500 million in reparations from white synagogues and churches.





1989
Conyers first introduces a bill that would establish a commission to examine slavery and its lingering effects on African Americans and contemporary U.S. society. (He has introduced legislation to examine the lingering effects of slavery and the case for reparations in every congressional session since 1989. In every session, the bill has failed to win a hearing.)




1991
Civil Rights Act of 1991 -- adds provisions to Title VII protections, including right to jury trial.





1995
House of Representatives Bill 891, which calls for a Reparations Study Commission, is introduced in the 104th Congress by John Conyers and former representative, Norm Mineta.




1995
After being sued by descendants of African slaves for a number of kinds of damages, the Ninth Circuit affirms that the Federal Tort Claims Act (which waives the government's "sovereign immunity" in some situations, but retains it in others), bars such suits.




June 1997
President Clinton launches what he says will be a "great and unprecedented conversation about race" that will "transform the problem of prejudice into the promise of unity." The "conversation" falls short of it's expectations for many, and ends up becoming a forum for black grievances.






1997
During his trip to Africa, President Clinton says, "Going back to the time before we were even a nation, European Americans received the fruits of the slave trade and we were wrong in that." This is the closest the American government has come to an apology.



1997
President Clinton apologizes and the U.S. government pays $10 million to the black survivors and family members victimized by the syphilis experiment conducted in the 1930's by the U.S. Public Health Service.





Jan. 6, 1999
Representative John Conyers introduces the "Commission to Study Reparation Proposals for African-Americans Act"
 
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