Obscure Afro-Latino Slave Rebellions/History/Culture/Facts Thread

cole phelps

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Afro-Latino nations
Regions with significant populations
22px-Flag_of_Brazil.svg.png
Brazil 42 million of 105 million [1]
22px-Flag_of_Colombia.svg.png
Colombia 15 million of 46 million [2]
22px-Flag_of_Haiti.svg.png
Haiti 11 million of 11 million [3]
22px-Flag_of_the_Dominican_Republic.svg.png
Dominican Republic 5.4 million of 9.1 million [4]
22px-Flag_of_Cuba.svg.png
Cuba 4 million of 11 million [5]
22px-Flag_of_Ecuador.svg.png
Ecuador 2 million of 15 million [6]
22px-Flag_of_Mexico.svg.png
Mexico 200,000 [7]
22px-Flag_of_Peru.svg.png
Peru 2 million of 30 million [8]
22px-Flag_of_Panama.svg.png
Panama 1.6 million of 3.3 million [9]
22px-Flag_of_Puerto_Rico.svg.png
Puerto Rico 0.9 million of 4 million [10]
22px-Flag_of_Venezuela.svg.png
Venezuela 0,9 million of 27 million [11]
22px-Flag_of_Nicaragua.svg.png
Nicaragua 0.47 million of 6 million [12]
22px-Flag_of_Argentina.svg.png
Argentina 0.20 million 41 million [13]
22px-Flag_of_Uruguay.svg.png
Uruguay 0.20 million of 3.4 million [14]
22px-Flag_of_Chile.svg.png
Chile 0.16 million of 17 million Afrolatinos : Chile
22px-Flag_of_Honduras.svg.png
Honduras 0.15 million of 8 million [15]
22px-Flag_of_Costa_Rica.svg.png
Costa Rica 0.13 million of 4.3 million [16]
22px-Flag_of_Guatemala.svg.png
Guatemala 0.11 million of 13.2 million [17]
22px-Flag_of_Bolivia.svg.png
Bolivia 0.04 million of 9.7 million [18]
 

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Throughout the Americas resistance to slavery and the plantation system took the form of runaway slave communities called maroons, quilombos or mocambos.The most famous runaway slave community of the Americas was Quilombo dos Palmares, a series of Brazilian mocambos founded in the end of the 16th century which survived up until 1694 before being crushed by Portuguese, Indian and white forces. Palmares was formed when a small group of slaves escaped from their home plantation after a rebellion. They violently turned on their masters before taking to the forests with supplies and all of their worldly possessions. They ventured over the harsh terrain and settled in a valley that came to be the quilombo at Palmares. What began as a small fugitive camp quickly grew in size and complexity. Estimates place the population of Palmares in the 1690’s at around 10,000 to 20,000 inhabitants. The autonomous region successfully defended the territory while simultaneously performing raids on nearby plantations, freeing slaves, destroying crops and stealing supplies. When the territory was finally captured 200 Palmarista soldiers committed suicide rather than return to bondage. In an effort to demoralize and intimidate Africans, the Palmarista general Zambi was decapitated in a public execution and his head put on display. But instead, quilombos continued to exist in Brazil and lore of Zambi spread, as more fugitive slaves formed settlements in Brazil.
 

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Puerto Rico’s Juano Hernandez, first Afro-Latino movie star
The film industry is not an easy one to get in nowadays. Imagine how it was back in 1932, especially for an Afro-Latino actor.
Juano Hernandez, a Puerto Rican born in 1896, made his movie debut in 1932 playing a Cuban in “The Girl from Chicago,” a Oscar Micheaux’s film for African American audiences.
It was not until 1949 though that he received public praise – and a Golden Globe nomination as best newcomer – for his role as Lucas Beauchamp in “Intruder in the Dust.”
According HOLA, “film historian Donald Bogle said ‘Intruder in the Dust’ broke new ground in the cinematic portrayal of blacks, and Hernandez’s ‘performance and extraordinary presence still rank above that of almost any other black actor to appear in an American movie.’”
Efrain Nieves and Victoria Cepeda of Pa’Lante Latino, recognize Hernandez as the first Afro-Latino to become a movie star and one of the first black movie stars in history:
“Although Puerto Ricans like Rita Moreno, Jose Ferrer and Benicio del Toro have won academy awards, it is men like Hernández that truly paved the way for Afro-Latinos and Blacks to earn recognition in an era where color did matter.”
In total, Hernandez participated in 23 films but never as the leading character.
 

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Afro Brazil – The Federative Republic of Brazil Republica Federativa do Brasil in Portuguese) is the largest and most populous country in South America. has the largest population of blacks of any country outside of Africa. Most black Brazilians are descendents of Yoruban slaves brought from Nigeria to the northern areas of the country to work on sugar plantations. Blacks and mulattoes in Brazil make up almost half the population. The largest concentration of Brazilian Africans are in the town of Bahia where over 80% of the people are black.

Afro Panama
Panama has the largest black population in Central America. Most Black Panamanians live on the Caribbean coast and are of West Indian heritage. The West Indians (mostly Jamaicans) came to the country to help build the Panama Canal. The rest of the poulation are of pure African, mulatto, or mixed black and Kuni Indian heritage. Panamanian language and music is Spanish with a West Indian accent. The most popular music genre in Panama right now is Spanish-language reggae. The actual percentage of blacks in Panama is unclear but it is somewhere in the range of between 14% and 42%.

Afro Cuba
– Most Cubans (65%) are mulattoes; an additional 11% are pure blacks. Black Cubans were brought from the Yoruba and Congolese people of West Africa as slaves to work on the sugar cane fields. The slaves did not lose their culture, but practiced it in secret. Most dances out of Cuba such as Mambo, Salsa, Son, Santeria vodoo chanting, and Rhumba are mostly African in origin.

Afro Colombia
Colombia’s blacks make up 21% (mulatto 14%, pure blacks 4%, and zambos 2%) of the population, mostly concentrated on the northern coast. Black Colombians encounter a lot of racial injustice from the rest of Colombia’s population. Even though they are treated wrongly they overcome prejedice and have greatly affected culture. One of Colombia’s musical genres, cumbia, is of African origin.
Afro Dominican Republic – 84% of the Dominican Republic’s people have some African blood: 76% are mulattoes and 11% are pure black. Dominican blacks were brought as slaves in large proportions from West Africa to sugar cane plantations on the island. Blacks from Dominican Republic and Haiti are in the majority along the border between the two countries, and that is also where the pure blacks are mainly concentrated. Dominican culture is greatly effected by African tradition. The music, religion, language, food, and dress of the Dominican people have very noticeable African roots.

Afro Puerto Rico
– All most all Puerto Ricans have some African lineage. The actual racial statictics of Puerto Rico are not known, but research indicates that close to 10% of Puerto Rico’s population are pure blacks, with most of the island’s population being mulattoes or mulatto mixed with Native American lineage. Most pure blacks in Puerto Rico are found in the Northern Coastal area (especially in the towns Loiza, Guayama,and Ponce).The music ( bomba) and ( plena) of Puerto Rico are Afro Latin genres danced to during parties and African derived festivals. Most Black boricuas are descended of African slaves brought from the Yoruba people of Nigeria.

Afro-Venezuela
– Black Venezuelans make up 10% of the population. Many of these Venezuelans live in small slum-like towns called campos. Afro-Venezuelans are descended from African slaves and West Indian immigrants. They have kept their traditions and culture alive especially through music. President of Venezuela Hugo Chávez is of an Afro-Venezuelan and he is the first and only black to be elected to a South American presidency.

Afro Central America
– The blacks of Central America are few in number and are found mostly in coastal cities. The blacks of Guatemala (5%) and Honduras (3%) are of mainly Garifuna heritage. The Garifuna people are descended from African slaves brought from Ghana who later mixed with Carib Indians. The Guarifinu live in small secluded villages and preserve their culture. The blacks of Nicaragua (9%) and Costa Rica (3%) are of West Indian heritage (mainly Jamaican) who were brought over as slaves to work on on banana plantations. Black Nicaraguans and Costa Ricans are noticeable because they speak Creole, Spanish, and have West Indian accents.

Afro South America
– Most other South American countres do not have large black populations. For example, Uruguay (4%), Argentina (3%), and Chile (1%) all have very small populations of blacks who have preserved some of their culture, but have taken in the larger culture which is the broader Latin American culture. Ecuador (3%) and Peru (3%) are another group of South American countries with Blacks, but these African descendants have perserved their culture and live in predominately Afro-Ecuadorian or Afro-Peruvian nieghborhoods or towns. The province of Esmarelda in Ecuador is over 70% mulatto or pure Black.
 

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Arturo Alfonso (January 24, 1874 –June 8, 1938) Schomburg was born in Puerto Rico on January 24, 1874. He began his education in a primary school in San Juan, where he studied reading, penmanship, sacred history, church history, arithmetic, Spanish grammar, history, agriculture and commerce. Arturo’s fifth-grade teacher is said to have told him that “Black people have no history, no heroes, no great moments.” Because of this and his participation in a history club, Schomburg developed a thirst for knowledge about people of African descent and began his lifelong quest studying the history and collecting the books and artifacts that made up the core of his unique and extensive library.
He came to New York in April 1891 and lived on the Lower East Side. He was involved in the revolutionary movements of the immigrant Cubans and Puerto Ricans living in that area, regularly attending meetings and working at odd jobs while attending night school at Manhattan Central High School. Schomburg became a Mason and met bibliophile and journalist John Edward Bruce. “Bruce Grit” introduced Schomburg to the African-American intellectual community and encouraged him to write about African world history and continue to increase his knowledge.
Arturo Schomburg would look everywhere for books by and about African people. He also collected letters, manuscripts, prints, playbills and paintings. He was especially proud of his collection of Benjamin Banneker’s Almanacs. In fact, his library contained many rare and unusual items from all over the world. The history of the Caribbean and Latin America and the lives of heroic people in that region was also an area of special interest to Schomburg. And he actively sought any material relative to that subject.
Schomburg’s collection became the cornerstone of The New York Public Library’s Division of Negro Literature, History, and Prints. He frequently loaned objects from his personal library to the 135th Street Branch of The New York Public Library, which was a center of intellectual and cultural activity in Harlem. In 1926 his collection of 10,000 items was purchased by the Library with the assistance of the Carnegie Corporation. He was later invited to be the curator of the new division which included his collections. He became involved in the social and literary movement that started in Harlem, known as the “Harlem Renaissance.” which spread to African-American communities throughout the country. Schomburg fully shared his knowledge of the history of peoples of African descent with the young scholars and writers of the New Negro movement. One of his primary motivations was to combat racial prejudice by providing proof of the extraordinary contributions of peoples of African descent to world history. Schomburg wrote, “I depart now on a mission of love to recapture my lost heritage.”
 

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Afro-Latino nations
Regions with significant populations
22px-Flag_of_Brazil.svg.png
Brazil 42 million of 105 million [1]
22px-Flag_of_Colombia.svg.png
Colombia 15 million of 46 million [2]
22px-Flag_of_Haiti.svg.png
Haiti 11 million of 11 million [3]
22px-Flag_of_the_Dominican_Republic.svg.png
Dominican Republic 5.4 million of 9.1 million [4]

22px-Flag_of_Cuba.svg.png
Cuba 4 million of 11 million [5]
22px-Flag_of_Ecuador.svg.png
Ecuador 2 million of 15 million [6]
22px-Flag_of_Mexico.svg.png
Mexico 200,000 [7]
22px-Flag_of_Peru.svg.png
Peru 2 million of 30 million [8]
22px-Flag_of_Panama.svg.png
Panama 1.6 million of 3.3 million [9]
22px-Flag_of_Puerto_Rico.svg.png
Puerto Rico 0.9 million of 4 million [10]
22px-Flag_of_Venezuela.svg.png
Venezuela 0,9 million of 27 million [11]
22px-Flag_of_Nicaragua.svg.png
Nicaragua 0.47 million of 6 million [12]
22px-Flag_of_Argentina.svg.png
Argentina 0.20 million 41 million [13]
22px-Flag_of_Uruguay.svg.png
Uruguay 0.20 million of 3.4 million [14]
22px-Flag_of_Chile.svg.png
Chile 0.16 million of 17 million Afrolatinos : Chile
22px-Flag_of_Honduras.svg.png
Honduras 0.15 million of 8 million [15]
22px-Flag_of_Costa_Rica.svg.png
Costa Rica 0.13 million of 4.3 million [16]
22px-Flag_of_Guatemala.svg.png
Guatemala 0.11 million of 13.2 million [17]
22px-Flag_of_Bolivia.svg.png
Bolivia 0.04 million of 9.7 million [18]
:troll:"me no black,papi!!"
 

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Guillermo Moncada (1841-1895) was an Afro-Cuban military leader and the namesake of the well-known Moncada Barracks which were unsuccessfully attacked by Fidel Castro’s men on July 26, 1953. Moncada, nicknamed “el gigante de ébano” (the ebony giant) and “Guillermón” (big Guillermo) was born in Santiago de Cuba at a time when Black slavery was still legal and widespread in the island. He fought alongside Máximo Gómez, Antonio Maceo Grajales, and Calixto García in the various Cuban independent struggles of the late nineteenth century—the Ten Years War, the Little War, and the Cuban War of Independence of 1895—and was imprisoned by the colonial Spanish government on two separate occasions. Moncada, who once worked as a carpenter, is also renowned for killing Miguel Pérez y Céspedes, the most feared “rancheador” or professional fugitive slave hunter in eastern Cuba.
 

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Irmandade de Boa Morte in Cachoeira - Bahia - Brazil. Sisterhood of descendants of slaves who resisted slavery and established their right to a dignified life.


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Zumbi dos Palmares (d. 1695)
Zumbi was the last leader of the Quilombo dos Palmares, an autonomous community of people of African descent, many of them former slaves, located in what is now Alagoas, Brazil, and which once reached a population of over 30,000.
Born in Palmares, he is said to have been captured by the Portuguese and given to a Catholic missionary as a child, when he was baptized with the name Francisco, was taught the sacraments, learned Portuguese and Latin, and helped with daily mass.
Zumbi escaped at the age of 15, returning to his birthplace, Palmares, where he became known for his physical prowess and cunning in battle by the time he was in his early twenties. He practiced capoeira, a martial art developed by Black slaves in colonial Brazil which was used by the people of the Quilombo to defend themselves against repeated attacks by Portuguese and Dutch colonists who ruled the area in the seventeenth century.
Zumbi eventually took on the leadership of Palmares after the Quilombo’s leader, Ganga Zumba, was offered a deal by the region’s colonial governor which would bring the independent community under Portuguese rule, which Zumbi found to be unacceptable as it ensured the freedom of the Quilombo’s Black community but did nothing to end slavery elsewhere in the colony.
The Portuguese eventually succeeded in destroying part of the Quilombo, ending over half a century of autonomous rule. After this great loss Zumbi went into hiding, but was ultimately captured and beheaded by the Portuguese on November 20, 1695. His head was taken to the city of Recife to be displayed to the public as a warning.
Today Zumbi is celebrated as a hero in Brazil and the day of his death has been proclaimed a holiday, the Dia de Consciência Negra (Day of Black Awereness).
 

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Frédéric/Federico Mialhe (who lived in Cuba from 1838 to 1854), ”Dia de Reyes” (also known as “Twelfth Day Festival, or “Day of the Kings”), ca. 1851
In nineteenth-century Cuba, people of African descent were organized in cabildos-associations related to African “nations” or ethnic groups. During the Day of the Kings on January 6 (Epiphany), authorities granted the cabildos permission to celebrate on the streets.
Permitting slaves certain days of fiesta was a way for the slave-owners to keep up a sense of morale or at least keep rebellion at bay, but this fiesta was highly significant because the owners declared their slaves free for the day. Each ethnic group of slaves would choose a king, and then each group would parade down the street, demanding money from the crowd, the government officials, and the houses they passed. Their costumes—imitating liturgical colors, white elites’ formal dress, or devils—were meant not just “to reenact African ritual practices but to astonish and even to frighten.”



Gaspar Yanga—often simply Yanga or Nyanga—was a leader of a slave rebellion in Mexico during the early period of Spanish colonial rule. Said to be of the Bran people[1] and member of the royal family of Gabon,[2] Yanga came to be the head of a band of revolting slaves near Veracruz around 1570. Escaping to the difficult terrain of the highlands, he and his people built a small maroon colony, or palenque.[3] For more than 30 years it grew, partially surviving by capturing caravans bringing goods to Veracruz. However, in 1609 the Spanish colonial government decided to undertake a campaign itself to regain control of the territory.

Spanish attack
Led by the soldier Pedro González de Herrera, the Spanish troops which set out from Puebla in January 1609 numbered around 550, of which perhaps 100 were Spanish regulars and the rest conscripts and adventurers. The maroons facing them were an irregular force of 100 fighters with some type of firearm, and four hundred more with primitive weapons such as stones, machetes, bows and arrows, and the like. These maroon troops were led by Francisco de la Matosa, an Angolan. Yanga—who was quite old by this time—decided to employ his troops' superior knowledge of the terrain to resist the Spaniards, with the goal of causing them enough pain to draw them to the negotiating table.
Upon the approach of the Spanish troops, Yanga sent terms of peace via a captured Spaniard.[1] Essentially, Yanga asked for a treaty akin to those that had settled hostilities between Indians and Spaniards: an area of self-rule, in return for tribute and promises to support the Spanish if they were attacked. In addition, he suggested that this proposed district would return any slaves which might flee to it. This last concession was necessary to soothe the worries of the many slave owners in the region.
The Spaniards refused the terms, and a battle was fought, yielding heavy losses for both sides. The Spaniards advanced into the settlement and burned it. However, the people fled into the surrounding terrain, and the Spaniards could not achieve a conclusive victory. The resulting stalemate lasted years; finally, unable to win definitively, the Spanish agreed to parley. Yanga's terms were agreed to, with the additional provisos that only Franciscan priests would tend to the people, and that Yanga's family would be granted the right of rule.[3] In 1618 the treaty was signed and by 1630 the town of San Lorenzo de los Negros de Cerralvo was established.[1] This town, in today's Veracruz province, remains to this day under the name of Yanga.

Yanga in Mexican History
Five decades after Mexican independence Yanga was made a national hero of Mexico by the diligent work of Vicente Riva Palacio. The influential Riva Palacio was a historian, novelist, short story writer, military general and mayor of Mexico City during his long life. In the late 1860s he retrieved from dusty Inquisition archives accounts of Yanga and of the expedition against him. From his research, he brought the story to the public in an anthology in 1870, and as a separate pamphlet in 1873.[3] Reprints have followed, including a recent edition in 1997. Much of the subsequent writing about Yanga was influenced by the works of Riva Palacio, who wrote of proud fugitives who would not be defeated
 

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The Malê Revolt (also known as The Great Revolt) is perhaps the most significant slave rebellion in Brazil. On a Sunday during Ramadan in January 1835, in the city of Salvador da Bahia, a small group of black slaves and freedmen, inspired by Muslim teachers, rose up against the government. Muslims were called malê in Bahia at this time, from Yoruba imale that designated a Yoruba Muslim.
The uprising also took place on the feast day of Our Lady of Guidance, a celebration in the Bonfim’s church’s cycle of religious holidays. As a result, many worshippers would travel to Bonfim for the weekend to pray or celebrate. Authorities would also be present in order to keep the celebrations in line. Consequently, there would be less people and authorities in the city, making it easier for the rebels to occupy Salvador.[1]
Brazilian slaves knew about the Haitian Revolution (1791−1804) and wore necklaces bearing the image of President Dessalines, who had declared Haitian independence.

Islam in Bahia
In Bahia the Hausas were primarily identified with practicing Islam because they adopted Islam before coming over to Brazil. Over time however, the Nâgo slaves made up a majority of Muslims in Bahia due to the rise of Islam in Yoruba kingdoms. In fact, by 1835 most of the Mâles were Nâgos. Furthermore, many of the key figures important in planning the uprising were Nâgos including: Ahuna, Pacífico, and Manoel Calafate.
Within the Muslim community the Mâles had power and prestige, especially the Muslims that had long standing. These members tried to attract new Mâles. They did so not passively, but through proselytizing and conversion.
In the African Islamic culture in Brazil there were several external symbols that became associated with the Mâles. One symbol came about through the adoption of amulets. In Bahia amulets were common because they were thought to have protective powers and wore worn by both Muslims and non-Muslims. These amulets consisted of pieces of paper with passages from the Koran and prayers that were folded and placed in a leather pouch that was sewn shut. They were made and sold by álufas or preachers. These amulets, however, did not signify a strong commitment to Islam because they were associated with traditional, pagan African religions. Another symbol of Islam in Bahia was the wearing of a long white frock called an abadá. In Bahia this garment was worn in private so they would not attract attention from law officials. It was only during the rebellion in 1835 that they were worn in public for the first time and were referred to as “war garments” by police. A third symbol which was used by Mâles to identify themselves prior to the uprising were white, metal, silver, or iron rings placed on their fingers. However, when the Mâles were defeated, these rings were no longer effective because now everyone knew what they meant.[2]
 

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The Revolt

While the revolt was scheduled to take place on Sunday, January 25, due to various incidents, it was forced to start before the planned time. On Saturday January 24, slaves began to hear rumors of an upcoming rebellion. While there are multiple accounts of freed slaves telling their previous masters about the revolts, only one was reported to the proper authorities. Sabina da Cruz, an ex-slave, had a fight with her husband, Vitório Sule the day before and went looking for him. She found him in a house with many of the other revolt organizers and after they told her tomorrow they would be masters of the land she reportedly said, “on the following day they’d be masters of the whiplash, but not of the land.”.[4] After leaving this house, she went to her friend Guilhermina, a freedwoman, who Sabina knew had access to whites. Guilhermina then proceeded to tell her white neighbor, André Pinto da Silveira. Several of Pinto de Silveira’s friends were present, including Antônio de Souza Guimarães and Francisco Antônio Malheiros, who took it upon themselves to relay the information to the local authorities.[5][6][7] All of these events occurred between the hours of 9:30 and 10:30 pm on Saturday January 24.
President Francisco de Souza Martins informed the Chief of Police of the situation, reinforced the palace guard, alerted the barracks, doubled the night patrol, and ordered boats to watch the bay, all by 11:00 pm. At around 1:00 am on Sunday, justices of the peace searched the home of Domingos Marinho de Sá. Domingos reported to the patrol that the only Africans in his house were his tenants. However, sensing Domingos’ fear, the justices asked to see for themselves. They went down into his basement and found the ringleaders, discussing last minute details. However, the Africans were able to turn the officers out into the streets.
Out on the streets, the fighting saw its first real bloodshed; several people were injured and two Africans were killed, including Vitório Sule, Sabina da Cruz's husband. After securing the area, the rebels split up to go in different directions throughout the city. Most of the groups did very little fighting because they were recruiters, calling slaves to war. However, the largest group traveled up the hill toward Palace Square (modern-day Praça Municipal), and continued to fight.[8][9]

The rebels decided to first attack the city palace of the jail, attempting to free a Muslim leader, Pacífico Licutan. However, the prison guards proved too much for the rebels, who perhaps were looking to supplement their weak supply of arms with the jailers’. Unfortunately for the rebels, the reinforced palace guard began firing on them from across the square and they found themselves caught between lines of fire in front of the jail. Under heavy fire, the slaves withdrew from the prison and retreated to the Largo de Teatro. Reinforcements arrived on the slaves side, and together they attacked a nearby post of soldiers in order to take their weapons. They marched toward the officer's barracks, and put up a good fight, however, the soldiers were able to pull the gate guarding the barracks shut. The slaves had failed.[10][11]
The rebels worked their way towards the Vitória neighborhood, where a number of Muslim slaves lived in the English community there. They regrouped at Mercês Convent where the sacristan, a Nagô slave named Agostinho, was a member of the conspiracy. The convent was a pre-determined spot for regrouping. A police patrol came across the rebels here, but retreated from their counter-attack to Fort São Pedro—a stronghold the rebels did not try to assault. By now the rebels numbered several hundred, but they had not been able to achieve any of their goals. They now headed towards Cabrioto, outside the city to rendezvous with slaves from plantations outside Salvador. In order to get to Cabrioto, however, they would have to pass the cavalry barracks. And when they met in Água de Meninos, the most decisive battle of the revolt took place. At about 3:00 AM, the rebels reached Água de Meninos. The footsoldiers immediately retreated inside the confines of the barracks while the men on horseback stayed outside. The rebels, who now only numbered about 50–60, did not attempt to attack the barracks. Instead, they sought a way around it.[12][13]
However, they were met with fire from the barracks, followed by a cavalry charge, which proved too powerful for the rebel slaves. After the rebels were completely devastated, more slaves arrived. After assessing the situation, the slaves decided that their only hope would be to attack and take the barracks. However, this desperate attempt proved futile, and the rebels quickly decided to flee. The cavalry mounted one last charge that finished them off.[14][15]
 

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Leadership
  • Ahuna - Ahuna was a Nagô slave who lived in Salvador. He travelled frequently to Santa Amaro where his owner had a sugar plantation. It has been suggested that his presence was a key factor in the timing of the rebellion.
  • Pacífico Lucatan - Lucatan was a Nagô slave who worked as a tobacco roller. He was in prison at the time of the rebellion, and one of the main goals was to free him.
  • Luís Sanim - Sanim was a Nupe slave who also worked as a tobacco roller. He ran a fund where each member contributed a day's wages for slave labor, presumably monthly, and this money was divided into three parts: one part for cloth to make Muslim garments; a part to masters' portions of slave wages—since Malê slaves did not work on Fridays; and one part to help buy letters of manumission.
  • Manoel Calafate - Calafate travelled to Santo Amaro to mobilize rebels on the eve of the uprising. He took an active part in the fighting and appears to have been killed in Palace Square.
  • Elesbão do Corma - Elesbão do Corma was a Hausa freedman who was known in the African community as Dandará. He owned a tobacco shop which was also used as a meeting place for Malês. He also travelled through the Recôncavo for his business, and brought the Muslim faith to slaves on the plantations there.[16]
Aftermath
Fearful that the whole state of Bahia would follow the example of Saint-Domingue (Haiti) and rise up and revolt, the authorities quickly sentenced four of the rebels to death, sixteen to prison, eight to forced labour, and forty-five to flogging. The remainder of surviving leaders of the revolt were then deported back to Africa by the authorities; it is believed that some members of the Brazilian community in Lagos, Nigeria, Tabom People of Ghana are descended from this deportation, although descendants of these Afro-Brazilian repatriates are reputed to be widespread throughout West Africa (such as Sylvanus Olympio, the first president of Togo). The term "Aguda" on the other hand refers to the mainstream, predominantly Christian Brazilian returnees to Lagos who brought Roman Catholicism in their wake; which is why that denomination is often referenced in Yoruba as "Ijo Aguda" (The Portuguese Church). Fearing the example might be followed, the Brazilian authorities began to watch the malês very carefully and in subsequent years intensive efforts were made to force conversions to Catholicism and erase the popular memory and affection towards Islam. However, the African Muslim community was not erased overnight, and as late as 1910 it is estimated there were still some 100,000 African Muslims living in Brazil.[17]
Many consider this rebellion to be the turning point of slavery in Brazil. While slavery existed for more than fifty years following the Malê Revolt, the slave trade was abolished in 1851. Slaves continued to pour into Brazil immediately following the rebellion, which caused fear and unrest among the people of Brazil. They feared that bringing in more slaves would just fuel another rebel army. Although it took a little over fifteen years to happen, the slave trade was abolished in Brazil, due in part to the 1835 rebellion
 
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