What Should We Do With Plantations?

xoxodede

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The lavish estates where Black people were enslaved usually whitewash their history. Here's how these places might begin to redeem themselves.

Black Lives Matter signs have popped up nearly everywhere. In June this slogan, or judiciously crafted approximations of it, began flooding my email inbox in the form of company statements that fell into a gray area between corporate responsibility, virtue signaling, and free advertising. During a 4th of July road trip to Vermont after I turned onto the wrong highway and found myself lost in New Hampshire, I saw the slogan painted in massive letters on the front of an aging barn. I thought then that a barn in a white, rural area took the prize for the most unexpected placement of a rallying cry for the fight against anti-Black racism, police brutality, and the lack of funding for social services. But the strangest place I have yet encountered the political mantra is the home page of a lavish Southern plantation house museum.

Berkeley Plantation, a National Historic Landmark that bills itself as “Virginia’s Most Historic Plantation,” is situated along the James River in Virginia, a colony and then state that enchained thousands of African Americans to produce lucrative tobacco crops before feeding, in the early 19th century, a massive forced migration of nearly one million Black people into the formerly Indigenous cotton lands of the Old Southwest. Berkeley Plantation’s home page features the romanticized lexicon and imagery that tourists anticipate and scholars of plantation tourism have long catalogued and criticized: genteel white owners, ornate architecture, splendid gardens, fine antiques, and decorous housewares. At Berkeley, the wealthy former residents who are extolled include Virginia Governor Benjamin Harrison and two of his descendants who became president, William Henry Harrison and Benjamin Harrison. The idealized domestic setting is enlivened, the home page text promises, by “enthusiastic guides in period costume.” Visitors here, the website suggests, will step into an Old South fantasy that obscures how slavery in its myriad grotesque realities shaped the site economically, socially, politically, and culturally. But in this moment of public foment, the Berkeley Plantation website now fronts a bold banner across the top of the screen proclaiming: “Berkeley Plantation believes that Black Lives Matter.”

I was stunned to see this claim appearing above photographs of grounds once maintained by enslaved people and formal parlors with slaveholder portraits hanging on walls. It struck me as the most supreme irony, and even as a cruel joke, that an estate built on the chewed-up and spat-out lives of Black people was now purporting to cherish Black existence. Given that we live in a time when not saying something of this sort exposes businesses and cultural institutions to the scrutiny of public opinion, this plantation was disingenuous at best and opportunistic at worst, I thought.

Then I clicked on the banner and discovered a direct statement indicating the harm done to Black and Native people on those grounds. The statement opens with an affirmation, “We believe that Black Americans, Indigenous People and their descendants deserve justice,” and continues with an admission of responsibility as well as an aspirational action plan. “We recognize that enslaved people were present at Berkeley plantation,” the statement reads. “We are working with researchers and historians to uncover all aspects of this site’s past and there is much work and responsibility ahead to make this site a place for healing and awareness.” I was persuaded that Berkeley Plantation’s current operators care about this past and its legacy.

Nevertheless, they are stewarding a racist landmark among an entire class of public memorials — plantation homes and landscapes — with a grandeur and impact equal to or greater than the Confederate statues currently being toppled or secreted away in our summer of national reckoning with anti-democratic symbols. As Patricia J. Williams stated in a September 2019 piece in The Nation on plantation weddings: These iconic homes and landscapes are “monuments to slavery.” The relevant question is not whether any site staff believes in their hearts that Black life is valuable — but rather, what caretakers of plantation sites and visitors to these historic places will do differently as a result of this belief.

NUMEROUS STUDIES OF plantation tourism, such as Jennifer Eichstedt and Stephen Small’s classic 2002 sociological study, “Representations of Slavery,” have found that plantation sites (especially those that are privately owned) tend toward Eurocentric portrayals of the past that participate in a process of “symbolic annihilation” in which Black presence is ignored or marginalized. Geographers E. Arnold Modlin, Derek Alderman, and Glenn Gentry argued in the journal Tourist Studies that even when plantation museums incorporate African Americans into tour narratives, they often do so in a distant manner that reduces Black experience to a cold recitation of population numbers, ages, and work tasks, rather than elevating Black residents to the level of white owners through stories that induce empathetic responses in visitors. The National Science Foundation has funded a team of geographers and historians headed by David Butler to conduct the most systematic study to date of a famous cluster of cotton estates known as the River Road Plantations spanning the Mississippi-Louisiana border. The team members are finding, as detailed in the Journal of Heritage Tourism, that even at sites that have made an effort to interpret enslaved people’s presence, features of the built environment, such as the location and size of the front-facing “big house” in comparison to “slave quarters” in the rear of a property, emphasize elite white experiences to the detriment of others.

Tourists who enter these landscapes often carry romanticized notions of the Old South that find affirmation in the spatial arrangement of the plantation that aggrandizes white mastery. I have found in my own research on ghost tourism in South Carolina, Louisiana, and Georgia, recounted in my book “Tales from the Haunted South,” that a handful of privately run plantation sites and walking tours market Black suffering in the form of horrific tales of sexual abuse and murder trivialized as ghost stories. It is heartbreaking and noteworthy, as well, that plantations can be heritage sites for white supremacists. Dylann Roof, who killed nine people participating in Bible study at Charleston’s Mother Emanuel AME Church in 2015, visited South Carolina plantation sites in the months leading up to his racially motivated attack.

Very long piece.... if you want to read the rest - click here https://www.bostonglobe.com/2020/08/08/opinion/what-should-we-do-with-plantations/
 

xoxodede

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My opinion is buy them from current owners - as well as the ones owned by the government -- give ownership to the descendants.

In addition, the ones ran as "national and state historic museums and landmarks" - create a state and national reparations trust for he proven descendants of that plantation's enslaved. Since, many still live the those areas or states.

I also feel like it should be staffed with trained ADOS historians. Create a fund to train ADOS as historians. I am so over everyone - WHITES and WHITE "JEWS" writing and making money off our history.
 
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King

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My opinion is buy them from current owners - as well as the ones owned by the government -- give ownership to the descendants.

In addition, the ones ran as "national and state historic museums and landmarks" - create a state and national reparations trust for he proven descendants of that plantation's enslaved. Since, many still live the those areas or states.

I also feel like it should be staffed with trained ADOS historians. Create a fund to train ADOS as historians. I am so over everyone - WHITES and WHITE "JEWS" writing and making money off our history.
I'm curious.

Let's say in the short-term the trust applies to residents within a certain area who can prove ancestry. It's not a perfect system due to things like the Great Migration, records being lost/destroyed, marriages/name changes, ect.

How would you propose a more inclusive system for reparations in regards to specific plantations? I'm thinking of something like a pooled state trust, from all landmarks/museums, for anyone who can prove their family originated in a state. Whereas, if they can prove specific plantations they receive other benefits such as scholarships, economic/legal assistance, etc allocated from another budget.
 

xoxodede

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I'm curious.

Let's say in the short-term the trust applies to residents within a certain area who can prove ancestry. It's not a perfect system due to things like the Great Migration, records being lost/destroyed, marriages/name changes, ect.

How would you propose a more inclusive system for reparations in regards to specific plantations? I'm thinking of something like a pooled state trust, from all landmarks/museums, for anyone who can prove their family originated in a state. Whereas, if they can prove specific plantations they receive other benefits such as scholarships, economic/legal assistance, etc allocated from another budget.

This would not be national reparations -- but more so a local, state reparations initiative. So, it would be separate than what ADOS is proposing on a national scale - IMO.

Honestly, this all starts with us as descendants.

One must have done their genealogy -- and put in the time and effort to know what plantations (if they were on a plantation), family, university/college, merchant -- etc - enslaved their ancestors. And it will be more than a few.

But, first we need to get everyone to understand -- not all of our ancestors were on plantations -- some worked in cities, some were "leased-out," some were owned by companies, institutions, etc. So, we need to start there. And that all starts with FamilySearch.Org and actually ordering records and actually going to those counties and pulling records at the local/state archives.

A pooled state trust, as well as land grants, free college tuition to local and state colleges, business grants and property tax exclusion -- for those who actually live in the state and have been in the state for at least 10+ years.

If descendants who don't live in those areas want to move there -- they have to be residents for at-least 5+ years before they are eligible for any of the reparative benefits. And they must stay for a period of time -- they can't make bank and bounce. They must aid in building up the community.

That way, we don't have everyone leaving running to the South - who aren't even close to their Southern family members and don't know anything about them. It's many ADOS like that these days.

Plus, have no connection nor concern for the land and history. That would be a shyt storm.

It should go to those who have had to live in those areas for generations -- and whose direct lines did not leave during the Great Migration.
 
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