Pull Up the Roots

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You're wrong. The only reason they have better regulation and controls is because they bank on the US paying more. If we did the same thing they did their costs would skyrocket. They are financially incentivized for us not to move to M4All.

Once our prices go lower, there's will go way higher.

America Needs to Stop Subsidizing Europe and Canada’s Prescription Drugs | RealClearPolitics



How The US Subsidizes Cheap Drugs For Europe

The true story of America’s sky-high prescription drug prices

Right now, the United States’ exceptionally high drug prices help subsidize the rest of the world’s drug research. We benefit from that work with new and better prescriptions — and so does the rest of the world. In other words: Right now, the United States is subsidizing the rest of the world’s drug research by paying out really high prices. If we stopped doing that, it would likely mean fewer dollars spent on pharmaceutical research — and less progress developing new drugs for Americans and everybody else.
The subsidized claim as well as the innovation claim are the same ones we've been hearing forever. And they don't really hold up anymore.

Misleading on US drug costs:

"It is more the drug companies that are taking advantage of the U.S.” Glen T. Schumock, director of the Center for Pharmacoepidemiology and Pharmacoeconomic Research at the University of Illinois at Chicago, told us via email. “We allow the drug companies to do this by not regulating drug prices. Other counties are just doing what makes sense, and what we should do. The drug companies will claim that they need the high prices in the U.S. to pay for new drug development. But most of the profit is not invested in R&D, and recent evidence shows that the cost to develop a new drug is actually much lower than they claim."

In the U.S., elected officials — mostly Republicans — have been reluctant to enact regulations to control drug prices, Schumock said. “The argument is that price controls will prevent innovation and new drug development.”

The Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act, passed in 2003 largely with Republican votes, specifically prohibited Medicare from negotiating drug prices with pharmaceutical companies.

That’s not how it works in other countries. Most other developed countries have a centralized health care system that allows the government to negotiate drug prices with the pharmaceutical companies.

“The government of those countries tells the drug company what the price will be,” Schumock said. “If the company doesn’t like it their only choice is to not sell it there. Most of the time they sell it at that price because they are still making money even with the low price. They certainly wouldn’t sell the drug if they were losing money.”

Or, as Dr. Peter B. Bach, director of Memorial Sloan Kettering’s Center for Health Policy and Outcomes, wrote to us in an email, “Firms are never required to sell a product in to any country, so what France pays is a decision between the firm and France, it has no relation to what we pay. Put another way, the firm will seek to maximize in France regardless.”


Trump’s argument “would suggest that firms would lower their prices in France (as an example) if we paid more here,” Bach said. “There is no economic reason for this to happen. Rather, companies clearly find it long term profitable to sell at the prices they do sell at in Western countries.”

Bach also takes issue with the president’s characterization that “they’re setting prices in other countries and we’re not.”

“Price setting conceptually only applies when there is truly a monopsonistic buyer that has complete control over the potential market for the seller,” Bach said. “What actually happens, and this varies somewhat by country but still, is that the country exercises some market power and a lot of discretion, being willing to say ‘No’ to products due to a disconnect between their price and their benefit. There are many versions of how they do this, but the core principle is that they are willing to say, ‘No.'”

Trump’s claim that the U.S. is “subsidizing” the cost in other countries suggests that Americans are paying too much to make up for losses in other countries, Bach said. “That is wrong in all likelihood because firms would simply choose not to sell at a loss.”

“More important,” Bach said, “it is often said we subsidize the industry by paying for their R&D [research and development].”

But research he co-authored earlier this year found that drug companies spent much less on R&D than steeper prices in the U.S. could potentially fund. “The premiums pharmaceutical companies earn from charging substantially higher prices for their medications in the US compared to other Western countries generates substantially more than the companies spend globally on their research and development,” Bach’s study said. Specifically it concluded that the extra amount paid for drugs by U.S. consumers paid for 1.7 times the worldwide R&D expenses.


R&D Costs For Pharmaceutical Companies Do Not Explain Elevated US Drug Prices
:

That pharmaceutical companies charge much more for their drugs in the United States than they do in other Western countries has contributed to public and political distrust of their pricing practices. When these higher US prices (which are sometimes cited as being two to five times the prices in Europe) are challenged, the pharmaceutical industry often explains that the higher prices they charge in the US provide them with the funds they need to conduct their high-risk research.

This claim—that premiums earned from charging US patients and taxpayers more for medications than other Western countries funds companies’ research—is empirically testable. Pharmaceutical companies report their Research and Development (R&D) expenses in public filings, and both they and numerous other sources report a mix of information on their drugs’ prices and sales volumes in the US and other Western countries. These data allowed us to quantify both the premium companies earn and the amount they spend on research. We then assessed the relation between the two.
 

FAH1223

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This is why leftist critiques of Obama are complete bullshyt and should NOT be respected:






Obama had historic majorities in 2009 and 2010.

Obama had a huge grassroots network of volunteers and organizers that weren't utilized outside of election years.

Obama had the Clintonian network of Wall Street friendly people handling the financial crisis. Elizabeth Warren was fighting them profusely on the inside. They decided to let the foreclosure wave continue unabated.

But you can't be critical of Obama! Or the people in his administration who have cashed out after regulating industry.
 

Warren Moon

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The point still remains those countries have regulatory boards that negotiate prices. We have no such mechanism. Which is why we're getting price gouged to begin with.

Sure, if tomorrow Medicare could negotiate and push down prices, those prices could be increased globally but not to the levels we have here. A vial of insulin in the U.S. is $300 and its $30 in Canada. We aren't going to see the Canadians paying that much more if we finally use the laws on the books and existing government power to stop this madness.

Canada wont be pushed to $300 but they damn sure wont pay $30.

I have a good friend who does pharmaceutical consulting, if the USA moves to M4All pharmaceutical pricing in Europe and Canada would DOUBLE and thats on the low end. Lots of drugs would triple in price.

Canada would be paying $90. They're going to do everything they can to make sure we pay the highest prices in the pharmacy industry. They have to, that's the only way their models survive.

That's why when people compare M4all to Europe or Canada, I chuckle :mjgrin:. When we move, their costs are going to SKYROCKET.

Canada can not afford for us to start negotiating pharmaceutical prices, they would go bankrupt :yeshrug:
 

Warren Moon

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The subsidized claim as well as the innovation claim are the same ones we've been hearing forever. And they don't really hold up anymore.

Misleading on US drug costs:

"It is more the drug companies that are taking advantage of the U.S.” Glen T. Schumock, director of the Center for Pharmacoepidemiology and Pharmacoeconomic Research at the University of Illinois at Chicago, told us via email. “We allow the drug companies to do this by not regulating drug prices. Other counties are just doing what makes sense, and what we should do. The drug companies will claim that they need the high prices in the U.S. to pay for new drug development. But most of the profit is not invested in R&D, and recent evidence shows that the cost to develop a new drug is actually much lower than they claim."

In the U.S., elected officials — mostly Republicans — have been reluctant to enact regulations to control drug prices, Schumock said. “The argument is that price controls will prevent innovation and new drug development.”

The Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act, passed in 2003 largely with Republican votes, specifically prohibited Medicare from negotiating drug prices with pharmaceutical companies.

That’s not how it works in other countries. Most other developed countries have a centralized health care system that allows the government to negotiate drug prices with the pharmaceutical companies.

“The government of those countries tells the drug company what the price will be,” Schumock said. “If the company doesn’t like it their only choice is to not sell it there. Most of the time they sell it at that price because they are still making money even with the low price. They certainly wouldn’t sell the drug if they were losing money.”

Or, as Dr. Peter B. Bach, director of Memorial Sloan Kettering’s Center for Health Policy and Outcomes, wrote to us in an email, “Firms are never required to sell a product in to any country, so what France pays is a decision between the firm and France, it has no relation to what we pay. Put another way, the firm will seek to maximize in France regardless.”


Trump’s argument “would suggest that firms would lower their prices in France (as an example) if we paid more here,” Bach said. “There is no economic reason for this to happen. Rather, companies clearly find it long term profitable to sell at the prices they do sell at in Western countries.”

Bach also takes issue with the president’s characterization that “they’re setting prices in other countries and we’re not.”

“Price setting conceptually only applies when there is truly a monopsonistic buyer that has complete control over the potential market for the seller,” Bach said. “What actually happens, and this varies somewhat by country but still, is that the country exercises some market power and a lot of discretion, being willing to say ‘No’ to products due to a disconnect between their price and their benefit. There are many versions of how they do this, but the core principle is that they are willing to say, ‘No.'”

Trump’s claim that the U.S. is “subsidizing” the cost in other countries suggests that Americans are paying too much to make up for losses in other countries, Bach said. “That is wrong in all likelihood because firms would simply choose not to sell at a loss.”

“More important,” Bach said, “it is often said we subsidize the industry by paying for their R&D [research and development].”

But research he co-authored earlier this year found that drug companies spent much less on R&D than steeper prices in the U.S. could potentially fund. “The premiums pharmaceutical companies earn from charging substantially higher prices for their medications in the US compared to other Western countries generates substantially more than the companies spend globally on their research and development,” Bach’s study said. Specifically it concluded that the extra amount paid for drugs by U.S. consumers paid for 1.7 times the worldwide R&D expenses.


R&D Costs For Pharmaceutical Companies Do Not Explain Elevated US Drug Prices
:

That pharmaceutical companies charge much more for their drugs in the United States than they do in other Western countries has contributed to public and political distrust of their pricing practices. When these higher US prices (which are sometimes cited as being two to five times the prices in Europe) are challenged, the pharmaceutical industry often explains that the higher prices they charge in the US provide them with the funds they need to conduct their high-risk research.

This claim—that premiums earned from charging US patients and taxpayers more for medications than other Western countries funds companies’ research—is empirically testable. Pharmaceutical companies report their Research and Development (R&D) expenses in public filings, and both they and numerous other sources report a mix of information on their drugs’ prices and sales volumes in the US and other Western countries. These data allowed us to quantify both the premium companies earn and the amount they spend on research. We then assessed the relation between the two.

Did u read any of the links I sent u? How is this different than anything I provided u?

Its profit driven. They make the pill for $100 and need to make a per pill profit of 40.

They charge US $170 for and Europe $110 for 20 pills each.

If we all get fair pricing.

The US and Europe would pay for $140 a pill. Europe would see a 27% increase in pricing if they were paying "Fair"
 
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wtfyomom

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lmao at the us SUPPOSEDLY subsidizing the rest of the worlds drugs, they dont cost that much to make, its all profit that theyre taking in so that is bullshyt. it reminds me of anti raising the minimum wage arguments, more nonsense arguments brought to you by billionaires who dont want to lose a cent of profit
 

Warren Moon

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lmao at the us SUPPOSEDLY subsidizing the rest of the worlds drugs, they dont cost that much to make, its all profit that theyre taking in so that is bullshyt. it reminds me of anti raising the minimum wage arguments, more nonsense arguments brought to you by billionaires who dont want to lose a cent of profit

You do realize R&D + production costs, dont equal how much it take to deliver a controlled substance to countries all over the world :dwillhuh:

Plus the us produces over 70% of all new drugs. 90% of all new Non generic ones.

The large pharma companies don’t even produce that many drugs anymore. It’s too risky so they buy smaller companies.

it costs about 2 billion to get a drug approved and only 10% of drugs in this nation can be brought to market.

I used to trade pharma stocks. Most Pharma companies lose money before the big guys buy em out.

If I started a drug called theColi that took me 3k per pill to produce through the lifecycle of development and clinical trials. After I get it approved and get bought out by company A for 2 billion.

Company A would only spend $5 per pill to produce because the works been done. $5 production isn’t the true cost tho, they have to allocate the 2 billion price to the per pill price as well to break even.

Company A spends $0 in r&d for thecoli drug.

it’s not all profit they’re taking in, they have to get the 2 billion off the books that’s unrelated to r&d.

selling for $20 when it costs u $5 to produce isn’t how the pharma industry works. :dwillhuh:



But if I’m a government and realize I can tell my people it only costs then $5 to produce, people will believe it and say we should only pay $10z shyt ppl think it’s logical, but their purposefully leaving out the true costs.


Im not defending the pharma industry. :hubie: But u got to realize everyone has an agenda and won’t present the accurate picture to u on both the capitalist and socialist side. The truth 9/10 is in the middle
 
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afterlife2009

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Just finished this. They even got charlamagne tha god on record :picard:



WASHINGTON — In early November, a few days after Senator Kamala Harris’s presidential campaign announced widespread layoffs and an intensified focus on Iowa, her senior aides gathered for a staff meeting at their Baltimore headquarters and pelted the campaign manager, Juan Rodriguez, with questions.

What exactly was Ms. Harris’s new strategy? How much money and manpower could they put into Iowa? What would their presence be like in other early voting states?

Mr. Rodriguez offered general, tentative answers that didn’t satisfy the room, according to two campaign officials directly familiar with the conversation. Some Harris aides sitting at the table could barely suppress their fury about what they saw as the undoing of a once-promising campaign. Their feelings were reflected days later by Kelly Mehlenbacher, the state operations director, in a blistering resignation letter obtained by The Times.

“This is my third presidential campaign and I have never seen an organization treat its staff so poorly,” Ms. Mehlenbacher wrote, assailing Mr. Rodriguez and Ms. Harris’s sister, Maya, the campaign chairwoman, for laying off aides with no notice. “With less than 90 days until Iowa we still do not have a real plan to win.”



From those polling results to Ms. Harris’s campaign operation, fund-raising and debate performances, it has been a remarkable comedown for a senator from the country’s largest state, a politician with star power who was compared to President Obama even before Californians elected her to the Senate in 2016.

Yet, even to some Harris allies, her decline is more predictable than surprising. In one instance after another, Ms. Harris and her closest advisers made flawed decisions about which states to focus on, issues to emphasize and opponents to target, all the while refusing to make difficult personnel choices to impose order on an unwieldy campaign, according to more than 50 current and former campaign staff members and allies, most of whom spoke on condition of anonymity to disclose private conversations and assessments involving the candidate.


Who’s Running for President in 2020?
Who’s in, who’s out and who’s still thinking.

With just over two months until the Iowa caucuses, her staff is now riven between competing factions eager to belittle one another, and the candidate’s relationship with Mr. Rodriguez has turned frosty, according to multiple Democrats close to Ms. Harris. Several aides, including Jalisa Washington-Price, the state director in crucial South Carolina, have already had conversations about post-campaign jobs.

Representative Marcia Fudge, who has endorsed Ms. Harris and is a former chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus, said in an interview that the senator was an exceptional candidate who had been poorly served by some top staff and who must fire Mr. Rodriguez. But she also acknowledged that Ms. Harris bore a measure of responsibility for her problems — “it’s her campaign” — and that the structure she created has not served her well.

“I have told her there needs to be a change,” said Ms. Fudge, one of several women of color who have been delivering hard-to-hear advice to Ms. Harris in recent weeks. “The weakness is at the top. And it’s clearly Juan. He needs to take responsibility — that’s where the buck stops.”

Ms. Harris declined an interview request for this article.

Mr. Rodriguez, in a statement, said: “Our team, from the candidate to organizers across the country, are working day in and out to make sure Kamala is the nominee to take on Donald Trump and end the national nightmare that is his presidency. Just like every campaign, we have made tough decisions to have the resources we need to place in Iowa and springboard into the rest of the primary calendar.”

Ms. Harris is reluctant to make a leadership change within her campaign so late in the race, some aides say, but they describe her as cleareyed about the mistakes she has made and the difficulty of her task ahead. They say she has bought into focusing on Iowa, where her campaign has structured more one-on-one settings for her to woo supporters or at least enjoy herself in otherwise difficult days.

But her troubles go beyond staffing and strategy: Her financial predicament is dire. The campaign has not taken a poll or been able to afford TV advertising since September, and it has all but quit buying Facebook ads in the last two months. Her advisers, after months of resistance, have only now signaled their desire for a group of former aides to begin a super PAC to finance an independent political effort on her behalf.

20,000 people in Oakland, some of Ms. Harris’s longtime supporters believe she should consider dropping out in late December — the deadline for taking her name off the California primary ballot — if she does not show political momentum. Some advisers are already bracing for a primary challenge, potentially from the billionaire Tom Steyer, should she run for re-election to the Senate in 2022. Her senior aides plan to assess next month whether she’s made sufficient progress to remain in the race.

“For her to lose California would be really hard and it’s not looking good,” said Susie Buell, a longtime Harris donor from the Bay Area.

were at war over whether the senator should embrace or downplay her record as a prosecutor, which some on the left have criticized, a dilemma the campaign has never resolved.

One campaign strategist said it was impossible to tell if Maya Harris was speaking for herself, as an adviser, or as her sister’s representative. She has exercised broad influence over even logistical details of the campaign, like the scheduling of fund-raising events, and over hiring. The uncertainty over who has final signoff has made it more difficult for the campaign to quickly execute decisions and Maya Harris's dual roles as relative and adviser prompted the candidate’s staff to be more restrained about the advice they offer.

first reported by Politico, stems from the raw emotions of staffers seeing their colleagues pushed out.

Some of Ms. Harris’s aides said she had better instincts than her brain trust. One official recalled that during the flight from Oakland to Iowa on the night she announced her campaign in January, Ms. Harris told senior members of her campaign team that she wanted to “go stealth.” However, instead of pursuing retail politics and introducing herself to voters in more intimate settings, as Ms. Harris suggested she preferred, her senior aides determined it was more important to cement herself in the top tier and play for “big, television moments,” as one put it.

“If you go big like that, you’ll never get a real understanding of the American people,” said Minyon Moore, a former senior adviser to Hillary Clinton and a longtime admirer of Ms. Harris. “Because we don’t live up there.”

calling cards, she did not unveil her own proposals until months after she began meeting with activists. Ms. Harris said she was being deliberate, but several aides familiar with the process said she was knocked off kilter by criticism from progressives and spent months torn between embracing her prosecutor record and acknowledging some faults.

At times, she avoided the topic, even initially rejecting her current campaign slogan, “Justice Is On The Ballot,” when it was presented to her earlier in the summer. At one point during the preparations, tensions flared so high that one senior aide pleaded with the candidate to provide some direction. “You know this stuff better than us!” the aide said, according to those present.

It was hardly the only time Ms. Harris has appeared uneasy or indecisive about whether to go on the offensive. In the July debate, Ms. Harris did not respond sharply to an attack on her prosecutorial record from Representative Tulsi Gabbard of Hawaii, even after Ms. Harris had been prepped for the topic.

On a conference call after the debate, several of Ms. Harris’s donors were alarmed and urged the campaign to strike back at Ms. Gabbard more aggressively, two people on the call said.


Ms. Harris also knew her response had been insufficient, a view quickly reinforced by her advisers. In interviews, many of them point to that debate moment as accelerating Ms. Harris’s decline and are so exasperated that they bluntly acknowledge in private that Ms. Harris struggles to carry a message beyond the initial script.

What she does seem more comfortable with, on the campaign trail and at the November debate, is making the case against Mr. Trump, which is now her core campaign message. After months of uncertainty, she’s back to embracing her role as a prosecutor.

“She should lean into it,” said the radio host Charlamagne tha God, who has campaigned with Ms. Harris in his native South Carolina. “She should say, ‘I’m a prosecutor and Donald Trump is a criminal and I’m going to lock his ass up.’”

The question is whether it’s too late.

Two women arrived at a recent event Ms. Harris held in Mason City, Iowa, torn between supporting her or Mr. Buttigieg, who has emerged as a front-runner in the state.

They were left so dissatisfied, they said, that they now are backing Mr. Buttigieg.

Laurie Davis, one of the voters, said Ms. Harris’s lack of policy specifics in her remarks was disappointing. Asked when she realized she wouldn’t be voting for Ms. Harris, she paused.

“Right now, I guess,” she said. “She lost me today.”

Shane Goldmacher and Jennifer Medina contributed reportin
 

CBSkyline

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Just finished this. They even got charlamagne tha god on record :picard:



WASHINGTON — In early November, a few days after Senator Kamala Harris’s presidential campaign announced widespread layoffs and an intensified focus on Iowa, her senior aides gathered for a staff meeting at their Baltimore headquarters and pelted the campaign manager, Juan Rodriguez, with questions.

What exactly was Ms. Harris’s new strategy? How much money and manpower could they put into Iowa? What would their presence be like in other early voting states?

Mr. Rodriguez offered general, tentative answers that didn’t satisfy the room, according to two campaign officials directly familiar with the conversation. Some Harris aides sitting at the table could barely suppress their fury about what they saw as the undoing of a once-promising campaign. Their feelings were reflected days later by Kelly Mehlenbacher, the state operations director, in a blistering resignation letter obtained by The Times.

“This is my third presidential campaign and I have never seen an organization treat its staff so poorly,” Ms. Mehlenbacher wrote, assailing Mr. Rodriguez and Ms. Harris’s sister, Maya, the campaign chairwoman, for laying off aides with no notice. “With less than 90 days until Iowa we still do not have a real plan to win.”



From those polling results to Ms. Harris’s campaign operation, fund-raising and debate performances, it has been a remarkable comedown for a senator from the country’s largest state, a politician with star power who was compared to President Obama even before Californians elected her to the Senate in 2016.

Yet, even to some Harris allies, her decline is more predictable than surprising. In one instance after another, Ms. Harris and her closest advisers made flawed decisions about which states to focus on, issues to emphasize and opponents to target, all the while refusing to make difficult personnel choices to impose order on an unwieldy campaign, according to more than 50 current and former campaign staff members and allies, most of whom spoke on condition of anonymity to disclose private conversations and assessments involving the candidate.


Who’s Running for President in 2020?
Who’s in, who’s out and who’s still thinking.

With just over two months until the Iowa caucuses, her staff is now riven between competing factions eager to belittle one another, and the candidate’s relationship with Mr. Rodriguez has turned frosty, according to multiple Democrats close to Ms. Harris. Several aides, including Jalisa Washington-Price, the state director in crucial South Carolina, have already had conversations about post-campaign jobs.

Representative Marcia Fudge, who has endorsed Ms. Harris and is a former chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus, said in an interview that the senator was an exceptional candidate who had been poorly served by some top staff and who must fire Mr. Rodriguez. But she also acknowledged that Ms. Harris bore a measure of responsibility for her problems — “it’s her campaign” — and that the structure she created has not served her well.

“I have told her there needs to be a change,” said Ms. Fudge, one of several women of color who have been delivering hard-to-hear advice to Ms. Harris in recent weeks. “The weakness is at the top. And it’s clearly Juan. He needs to take responsibility — that’s where the buck stops.”

Ms. Harris declined an interview request for this article.

Mr. Rodriguez, in a statement, said: “Our team, from the candidate to organizers across the country, are working day in and out to make sure Kamala is the nominee to take on Donald Trump and end the national nightmare that is his presidency. Just like every campaign, we have made tough decisions to have the resources we need to place in Iowa and springboard into the rest of the primary calendar.”

Ms. Harris is reluctant to make a leadership change within her campaign so late in the race, some aides say, but they describe her as cleareyed about the mistakes she has made and the difficulty of her task ahead. They say she has bought into focusing on Iowa, where her campaign has structured more one-on-one settings for her to woo supporters or at least enjoy herself in otherwise difficult days.

But her troubles go beyond staffing and strategy: Her financial predicament is dire. The campaign has not taken a poll or been able to afford TV advertising since September, and it has all but quit buying Facebook ads in the last two months. Her advisers, after months of resistance, have only now signaled their desire for a group of former aides to begin a super PAC to finance an independent political effort on her behalf.

20,000 people in Oakland, some of Ms. Harris’s longtime supporters believe she should consider dropping out in late December — the deadline for taking her name off the California primary ballot — if she does not show political momentum. Some advisers are already bracing for a primary challenge, potentially from the billionaire Tom Steyer, should she run for re-election to the Senate in 2022. Her senior aides plan to assess next month whether she’s made sufficient progress to remain in the race.

“For her to lose California would be really hard and it’s not looking good,” said Susie Buell, a longtime Harris donor from the Bay Area.

were at war over whether the senator should embrace or downplay her record as a prosecutor, which some on the left have criticized, a dilemma the campaign has never resolved.

One campaign strategist said it was impossible to tell if Maya Harris was speaking for herself, as an adviser, or as her sister’s representative. She has exercised broad influence over even logistical details of the campaign, like the scheduling of fund-raising events, and over hiring. The uncertainty over who has final signoff has made it more difficult for the campaign to quickly execute decisions and Maya Harris's dual roles as relative and adviser prompted the candidate’s staff to be more restrained about the advice they offer.

first reported by Politico, stems from the raw emotions of staffers seeing their colleagues pushed out.

Some of Ms. Harris’s aides said she had better instincts than her brain trust. One official recalled that during the flight from Oakland to Iowa on the night she announced her campaign in January, Ms. Harris told senior members of her campaign team that she wanted to “go stealth.” However, instead of pursuing retail politics and introducing herself to voters in more intimate settings, as Ms. Harris suggested she preferred, her senior aides determined it was more important to cement herself in the top tier and play for “big, television moments,” as one put it.

“If you go big like that, you’ll never get a real understanding of the American people,” said Minyon Moore, a former senior adviser to Hillary Clinton and a longtime admirer of Ms. Harris. “Because we don’t live up there.”

calling cards, she did not unveil her own proposals until months after she began meeting with activists. Ms. Harris said she was being deliberate, but several aides familiar with the process said she was knocked off kilter by criticism from progressives and spent months torn between embracing her prosecutor record and acknowledging some faults.

At times, she avoided the topic, even initially rejecting her current campaign slogan, “Justice Is On The Ballot,” when it was presented to her earlier in the summer. At one point during the preparations, tensions flared so high that one senior aide pleaded with the candidate to provide some direction. “You know this stuff better than us!” the aide said, according to those present.

It was hardly the only time Ms. Harris has appeared uneasy or indecisive about whether to go on the offensive. In the July debate, Ms. Harris did not respond sharply to an attack on her prosecutorial record from Representative Tulsi Gabbard of Hawaii, even after Ms. Harris had been prepped for the topic.

On a conference call after the debate, several of Ms. Harris’s donors were alarmed and urged the campaign to strike back at Ms. Gabbard more aggressively, two people on the call said.


Ms. Harris also knew her response had been insufficient, a view quickly reinforced by her advisers. In interviews, many of them point to that debate moment as accelerating Ms. Harris’s decline and are so exasperated that they bluntly acknowledge in private that Ms. Harris struggles to carry a message beyond the initial script.

What she does seem more comfortable with, on the campaign trail and at the November debate, is making the case against Mr. Trump, which is now her core campaign message. After months of uncertainty, she’s back to embracing her role as a prosecutor.

“She should lean into it,” said the radio host Charlamagne tha God, who has campaigned with Ms. Harris in his native South Carolina. “She should say, ‘I’m a prosecutor and Donald Trump is a criminal and I’m going to lock his ass up.’”

The question is whether it’s too late.

Two women arrived at a recent event Ms. Harris held in Mason City, Iowa, torn between supporting her or Mr. Buttigieg, who has emerged as a front-runner in the state.

They were left so dissatisfied, they said, that they now are backing Mr. Buttigieg.

Laurie Davis, one of the voters, said Ms. Harris’s lack of policy specifics in her remarks was disappointing. Asked when she realized she wouldn’t be voting for Ms. Harris, she paused.

“Right now, I guess,” she said. “She lost me today.”

Shane Goldmacher and Jennifer Medina contributed reportin

The reoccurring theme, no matter where she is at, is terrible judgement when it comes to hiring staff. According to her, that was the issue behind all the mishaps when she was Cali AG, and it's now hurting her with the campaign for president. That is an ominous sign for how she would staff as president or as US AG :picard:
 

FAH1223

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Reppin
WASHINGTON, DC
Fillibuster stopped alot of stuff the right tried to pass too. Don't fall for the banana in the tailpipe. Fillibuster is a necessary tool.

Really? 60 votes on everything? Filibuster was designed to prevent civil rights and anti lynching laws

also the GOP couldn’t even repeal the ACA via budget reconciliation with 51 votes!
 
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