HELLO. HAVENT WE BEEN SAYING THIS??? 
theatlantic.com
What Nonvoters Want
Yascha Mounk
3-4 minutes
Many advocates of what I have called the “progressive theory of mobilization” assume that the typical nonvoter is young, brown or black, and very progressive. But while, of course, some nonvoters fit that description, an overwhelming majority don’t.
Nonvoters are, in fact, somewhat more likely than voters to be brown or black: While 10 percent of voters are black, 13 percent of nonvoters are. And while 11 percent of voters are Hispanic, 15 percent of nonvoters are. But among nonvoters, the overall share of people of color is quite small: Nearly two out of every three nonvoters are white.
Nonvoters are also far less progressive than is commonly believed. They are more likely than voters to support constructing a wall on the southern border with Mexico, less likely to support a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, less likely to support abortion rights, and less likely to favor gun control. Nonvoters do skew left on some important economic issues, such as support for a higher minimum wage. But on the defining cultural issues of the moment, they are markedly more conservative.
In light of their views on public policy, it is hardly surprising that nonvoters are not particularly likely to describe themselves as liberal or to say that they favor the Democratic Party. Among voters, 38 percent consider themselves Democrats and 30 percent Republicans, for a differential of eight points. Among nonvoters, 31 percent consider themselves Democrats and 26 percent Republicans, for a differential of only five points. The ideological breakdown of nonvoters is even more revealing: A clear majority of them consider themselves either moderate or conservative; only one in five say that they are liberal.
Nor is there much evidence that nonvoters are particularly energized to remove Donald Trump from office. They are less likely than voters to say that the country is going in the wrong direction or to believe that the upcoming election holds more importance than previous ones. And whereas 46 percent of all voters say that they are likely to vote for the Democratic Party’s nominee, only 33 percent of nonvoters say they’ll vote this way if they choose to go to the polls.
The best way to understand nonvoters, the authors of the Knight Foundation study suggest, is to divide them into two broad camps. Nearly half of them simply have little interest in politics; when they record opinions about politics at all, they rarely fall into a clear ideological camp. A little more than half do have a more determined set of political preferences. But, like the American electorate as a whole, this group is almost evenly split among three different ideological groups: progressives, moderates, and conservatives.
It is natural for ideologues of every hue to project their hopes and aspirations on the reservoir of voters who rarely show up to the polls.
@wire28 @Th3G3ntleman @ezrathegreat @Jello Biafra @humble forever @Dameon Farrow @Piff Perkins @Pressure @johnedwarduado @Armchair Militant @panopticon @88m3 @Tres Leches @ADevilYouKhow @dtownreppin214
theatlantic.com
What Nonvoters Want
Yascha Mounk
3-4 minutes
Many advocates of what I have called the “progressive theory of mobilization” assume that the typical nonvoter is young, brown or black, and very progressive. But while, of course, some nonvoters fit that description, an overwhelming majority don’t.
Nonvoters are, in fact, somewhat more likely than voters to be brown or black: While 10 percent of voters are black, 13 percent of nonvoters are. And while 11 percent of voters are Hispanic, 15 percent of nonvoters are. But among nonvoters, the overall share of people of color is quite small: Nearly two out of every three nonvoters are white.
Nonvoters are also far less progressive than is commonly believed. They are more likely than voters to support constructing a wall on the southern border with Mexico, less likely to support a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, less likely to support abortion rights, and less likely to favor gun control. Nonvoters do skew left on some important economic issues, such as support for a higher minimum wage. But on the defining cultural issues of the moment, they are markedly more conservative.
In light of their views on public policy, it is hardly surprising that nonvoters are not particularly likely to describe themselves as liberal or to say that they favor the Democratic Party. Among voters, 38 percent consider themselves Democrats and 30 percent Republicans, for a differential of eight points. Among nonvoters, 31 percent consider themselves Democrats and 26 percent Republicans, for a differential of only five points. The ideological breakdown of nonvoters is even more revealing: A clear majority of them consider themselves either moderate or conservative; only one in five say that they are liberal.
Nor is there much evidence that nonvoters are particularly energized to remove Donald Trump from office. They are less likely than voters to say that the country is going in the wrong direction or to believe that the upcoming election holds more importance than previous ones. And whereas 46 percent of all voters say that they are likely to vote for the Democratic Party’s nominee, only 33 percent of nonvoters say they’ll vote this way if they choose to go to the polls.
The best way to understand nonvoters, the authors of the Knight Foundation study suggest, is to divide them into two broad camps. Nearly half of them simply have little interest in politics; when they record opinions about politics at all, they rarely fall into a clear ideological camp. A little more than half do have a more determined set of political preferences. But, like the American electorate as a whole, this group is almost evenly split among three different ideological groups: progressives, moderates, and conservatives.
It is natural for ideologues of every hue to project their hopes and aspirations on the reservoir of voters who rarely show up to the polls.
@wire28 @Th3G3ntleman @ezrathegreat @Jello Biafra @humble forever @Dameon Farrow @Piff Perkins @Pressure @johnedwarduado @Armchair Militant @panopticon @88m3 @Tres Leches @ADevilYouKhow @dtownreppin214
no one has the "human right" to a service that someone else had to go to school to learn, and clock into work to provide. we're lucky enough that there are people who are willing to do that fukkin job in the first place
4) i know for many older millennials and gen x, they were first gen college graduates so the desperation to go trumped cost, people took out loans for whatever it cost to get that degree
I have a MBA as well why the hell are you paying 150k out of pocket towards a MBA 
. If you didn't have a proper scholarship you should have gotten yourself a career to pay for that degree that's what I did. Im sorry It sounds like you took some financial missteps in dealing with those loans. your wives degrees definitely worth it but you should have gotten into a company that would have paid a large % of your MBA instead all of OOP.
, Can you or him please explain to me why someone is taking out 300k worth or loans you can't afford 
. Like what in the fukk goes through your mind to do some shyt like that. I hope him and his wife are doctors and went to Harvard or yale
, if you're trying to get into a top 20/25 school you shouldn't have any issues with gathering a scholarship to pay for it. Also if you're from a top 25 school you should EASILY be able to find a career to pay for it. I don't agree with your view on this.